Sunday, December 24, 2006

Bewildering flip-flops not helping Pas cause

24 Dec 2006
ABDUL RAZAK AHMAD


First came a local council ruling forcing women to cover up, then a nod for dance clubs. Pas’ increasing contradictions on moral and cultural curbs in Kelantan are driven by its larger do-or-die mission to stay afloat in the party’s last bastion, writes ABDUL RAZAK AHMAD.

IN the 15 years Pas has ruled Kelantan, it has imposed restrictions on — take a deep breath — Thai boxing, wayang kulit, pop concerts, sexy female attire, darkened cinema halls and intermingling of males and females in places ranging from swimming pools to supermarket checkout counters.

Just to name a few.

Pas stoutly defends its long list of restrictions in the name of protecting its version of morality.

But the party is now rolling back these curbs.

The ban on Thai boxing — tomoi — was recently reversed. Pop concerts are now okay, as long as performers are male, decent, and the audience is segregated between the sexes. Wayang kulit — with "unIslamic elements" removed — is now permitted.

Negotiations are reportedly underway for a cineplex in Kota Baru. No word though on measures to prevent amorous couples canoodling in the dark — a concern that prompted the well-lit cinema ruling in the first place.

Most recent was the statement by Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat that dance clubs were also, in theory, okay. But only if the outlets separated single men and women, were alcohol-free and if women were "decently" dressed — meaning, as he defined it, keeping one’s midriff covered, among others.

These reversals are sending out mixed signals on what Pas actually wants to do.

Pas officials say they are now willing to try out more flexible or less rigid approaches to culture and morality. This comes especially after a newer, younger, more urbane breed of Young Turks swept to power in the party elections last year.

Critics say these rollbacks are driven by desperation to hold on to the party’s increasingly slippery grip on Kelantan, and are laughable flip-flops.

"My reaction to what Pas is doing is: Ha! Ha! Ha!" is how Kelantan Umno information chief Datuk Md Alwi Che Ahmad puts it. The reversals, he argues, show up the restrictions as poorly thought-through political gimmicks to prove that Pas is championing Islam.

"They introduced a ruling for separate checkout counters, but poorly enforced it. There are cases of female cashiers stationed at the end of the male checkout lines. If it’s to segregate the sexes, then what’s the point?" asks Alwi.

"The dance club idea misses the whole point. Pas should be looking at substance, not form," says writer Sayuti Omar, a Kelantanese and Pas insider.

Party officials say they’re victims of negative media reporting. The dance club idea was first voiced by State Local Government Committee chairman Takiyuddin Hassan, amid controversy that the Kota Baru municipal council was going to slap fines on "improperly attired" women working in eateries and shops.

Takiyuddin reportedly clarified later that he had attempted to define entertainment outlets and cultural performance in a personal capacity.

"The comments (on the dance club proposal) have been taken out of context. The way the whole issue has been reported does not reflect the good intention of the Kelantan state government," says Pas deputy president Nasharuddin Mat Isa.

If all this was a mere storm in a teacup, why does the subject continue to fire the imagination of both Pas and Umno?

Because of the stakes involved.

Retaining Kelantan is priority number one for Pas in the next general election. It lost Terengganu in the last general election two years ago, and narrowly escaped a similar fate in Kelantan, where it now commands a mere one-seat majority over Barisan Nasional.

To remain in power, Pas needs to retain voter support not just from its core supporters but also from two other critical groups who consider greater openness and flexibility on cultural and moral norms important.

The first is young voters.

"They are an increasing big presence in the state," says Ibrahim Suffian, director of the Merdeka Centre, which conducts opinion polls. He estimates that by the time the next general election rolls around, the percentage of Kelantanese voters aged 30 and below could reach as high as 40 per cent.

It explains why Pas is going all out to organise concerts in Kota Baru featuring singers like Mawi, even though such events were something the party had always frowned upon.

The second target group is the Chinese voter.

They form less than 10 per cent of the state electorate and are spread out in only a handful or urban seats, but they’re a highly-prized commodity.

"In seats where the contest between Pas and Umno is close, those few hundred Chinese votes can make a very big difference," notes Ibrahim.

With Pas and BN’s presence in the Kelantan State Assembly now almost equally balanced at 23:22, the Chinese could literally decide who forms the state government if the Malay vote is split down the middle.

"The Chinese and the young voters are the real audience Pas wants to reach out to each time they announce these reversals," says Alwi.

Pas’ relations with its Chinese minority have not always been smooth. Some measures introduced in the early years of the party’s rule, such as a strict restriction on the sale and consumption of liquor — later relaxed for the community — as well as a general suspicion of Pas’ Islamic agenda, have not made the Chinese comunity a very reliable source of support for Pas.

But Nasharuddin denies that Pas will have any major problems securing Chinese voters in the state. He cites examples of outreach efforts, and notes how a dinner with state Chinese groups he attended last week managed to raise RM300,000 for two welfare funds.

"Allegations we’re scaring away the Chinese are just not true. For them our motto is ‘Islam for all’. We encourage all forms of culture and entertainment which are permissible (in Islam)," adds Nasharuddin.

Pas may still have some way to go before it can convince voters it’s as open and inclusive as, well, the BN. But election victories depend on bigger issues, namely the economy.

On this front, the BN again appears to have an edge with a record RM7.6 billion allocation earmarked for Kelantan under the Ninth Malaysia Plan.

But Ibrahim cautions against underestimating what Pas, with its limited resources, can accomplish.

"Their 2007 state budget managed to increase revenue by 25 per cent. They’ve introduced free insurance to all the elderly, and small financing schemes for young and women entrepreneurs.

"Sift through the controversies and you find some substantive achievements on the economy. They’re small steps, but they are heading in the right direction," he notes.

Overall, the political outlook in Kelantan, says Ibrahim, remains 50-50. But with so much at stake and at the rate that both parties are scrambling for the tiebreaker, Kelantan may yet get its dance clubs.

The only question is which side will be the one breaking out in celebratory dance moves when the final results roll in.

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