Is there an ‘-ism’ uniting the Pakatan Rakyat?

Ceritalah
By KARIM RASLAN

After 50 years of Merdeka the people deserve to have choices, and hopefully a two-party system divided by some kind of ideological difference will emerge.

MANY people feel that the Pakatan Rakyat is nothing more than a cynical “marriage of convenience,” an alliance fuelled by a lust for power and money that will crumble within a couple of weeks.

While I have to agree that the Pakatan’s increasing proximity to the apex of power – namely Putrajaya – has made it more united, I’d also argue that there are some powerful ideological forces at work in the three component parties, and that these political philosophies do mesh.

If I am right (but let’s face it, I have been very wrong in the past!) the Barisan Nasional must respond to the Pakatan in an ideological and philosophical manner as well as politically.

Essentially, the Barisan has to figure out where it stands and what it stands for. Mere “politicking” – scare mongering, cancelling and or delaying federal development projects and threatening racial strife – is old school.

Such primordial, Mahathir-era strategies will not work going forward.

Indeed bullyboy tactics will only allow the Pakatan to stress its victimisation – thereby aligning its treatment at the hands of a mean-spirited, ungenerous Barisan with the rakyat’s sense of marginalisation.

This combination could prove fatal for the Barisan’s chances going forward.

Of course, the obstacles dividing the three Pakatan parties are formidable and we are right to be sceptical, but only up to a point. In the past, the Gagasan Rakyat and Barisan Alternatif withered under Mahathir’s scorn and the sheer brute force of the Barisan directed administration.

Certainly, the DAP, PKR and PAS’ difficulties over the formation of the Perak government and the ongoing Karpal Singh vs ‘Everyone Else’ spat over the Islamic State suggests that the Pakatan is by no means out of the woods.

There is no doubt that the “Islamic State issue” will remain the core ideological challenge facing the Pakatan.

Now, all of these concerns are perfectly valid, but a deeper analysis of the historical and ideological roots of the three parties reveals that they have much more in common than we give them credit for.

Let me begin with the DAP. We are all familiar with the DAP’s social democrat origins. As the “Malayan” half of the PAP after the 1965 Separation, the DAP inherited the socialist rhetoric without Lee Kuan Yew’s mean-spirited real politic.

Moreover the DAP has been a long-term member of the Socialist International, the worldwide grouping of socialist political parties that includes both the British and Australian Labour parties.

PKR’s socialist roots are even easier to identify.

The party came about after a merger between Keadilan and Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) in 2002.

The PRM itself was a successor of the old Malay leftist parties, such as the Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM) and Socialist Front of the Merdeka era – the late much-loved writer/academic Rustam Sani being an important link in the chain.

The presence of the old PRM leadership within the PKR (such as Deputy President Syed Husin Ali) shows that the latter has more capacity for “socialist” thought then we are willing to acknowledge.

Its worth mentioning at this point the obsessive focus on Umno in our mainstream media has side-lined a newly emerging force, namely, the Malay “left”.

If one wants to understand this world, it’s worth reading work by writers such as the late Rustam Sani, the historian Farish Noor and watching Fahmi Reza’s ground-breaking documentary.

At the same time we shouldn’t forget Anwar Ibrahim and his friends and allies from ABIM (including Kamaruddin Jaffar who’s since become a prominent PAS leader) have had a deep and abiding commitment to social justice and equity, albeit with an Islamist tinge; witness their protests back in 1974 over the poverty and hunger of Baling’s rice-farmers.

While the PKR’s socialist roots are relatively well documented, PAS’ connection with these political ideas is less well known.

The party is often mischaracterised – incorrectly – as a purely Islamicist political force.

However, a deeper examination of the party’s roots will reveal that pre-Hadi Awang, PAS had strong leftist inclinations.

Certainly, it’s often forgotten that prominent Malay “alternative” leaders such as Burhanuddin Helmy once played a major role in PAS.

Today’s PAS is dominated by the ulama and they are generally wary of all “-isms” with the exception of Islam-ism.

Figures such as Nik Abdul Aziz, Abdul Hadi Awang and the much feared Harun Din have done their utmost to eradicate Burhanuddin and his successor Asri Muda’s contributions to the party.

Nonetheless, the younger generation of PAS leaders – technocrats like Husam Musa, Nizar Jamaluddin and Nasaruddin Mat Isa – are clearly more attune with left of centre issues.

They’ve been careful to identify with the oppressed and the marginalised – the many Malays left behind by the Umno juggernaut – formulating their party’s manifesto around populist issues that resonate on the ground.

Of course over the past decades there has been an on-going vilification of socialism and other leftist ideas, often in the name of “defending” Muslims against the concept of atheism inherent in more extreme political ideologies such as communism.

Still, socialism, populism or social justice – call it what you will – is a vital unifying theme for the Pakatan.

Moreover this kind of rhetoric cuts across racial lines, since the dispossessed are themselves ethnically heterogeneous.

As this becomes the core ideology around which the Pakatan coalesces, I hope that we will in future be able to talk about a “Social Democratic” Pakatan which will in turn force the Barisan to respond by finding its own political “centre”.

Interestingly, the Barisan with its more moneyed, property-owning, aristocratic and traditionalist ethos will evolve hopefully into a Malaysian version of the British Conservative party or indeed the American Republican party – both of which are enormously successful political organisations.

I know this all sounds slightly far-fetched but the prospect of a genuine two-party system divided by some kind of ideological difference is a very exciting prospect and after 50 years of Merdeka the people deserve to have choices.

Ideologies aside though, the final lesson is that both coalitions will need to gradually make their way to the centre if either is to capture enough of the “middle ground” to rule effectively.

PAS veep tells Umno to ditch Abdullah

Beh Lih Yi & Fathi Aris Omar | Apr 9, 08 3:07pm

Umno has received a timely advice from an unlikely source as the powerful ruling party’s internal crisis intensified after Barisan Nasional’s unprecedented electoral defeat on March 8. Giving his unsolicited suggestion, PAS vice-president Husam Musa said Umno members should show embattled party chief Abdullah Ahmad Badawi the exit before the party is shown the exit from the government. In an interview with Malaysiakini on Monday, the Kelantan-based PAS leader argued that Umno members should rethink whether they want a weak Umno - the backbone of BN - under Abdullah as the party faces a risk of being overthrown “anytime after April”. “The Umno ship is going to sink through his leadership. For us in the opposition, it’s good to have a weak opponent but it’s bad for the nation because we can’t move forward with a weak leader,” he said in the hour-long interview in Kuala Lumpur. “Umno can continue to have him as prime minister and president, we don’t mind. Abdullah wants to wait until December 2008 to see whether he still gets the support, but he can’t prevent anything that is going to happen before December,” the PAS leader added. Umno is to hold its party polls during its annual general meeting in December. So far, former party vice president Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah has offered himself to contest for the top post. Anwar’s eligibility to contest The possible scenario, Husam suggested, would include the ambitious Pakatan Rakyat to take over the federal government if some 30 BN MPs defected to the opposition alliance. Such a crossover would allow the opposition coalition to gain a simple majority. “(PKR de facto leader) Anwar Ibrahim is eligible to contest anytime after April... When he goes in (Parliament), I don’t think he will just go in as an ordinary MP. With Anwar inside the House, anything can happen,” argued Husam further. Anwar’s ban from active politics, a result of his conviction under corruption charge, will be lifted on April 15, next Tuesday. The opposition figurehead is widely speculated to contest in a by-election for him to make a comeback to Parliament. Calls on Abdullah to step down as Umno president and prime minister - a post which he held since 2003 - over the dismay election results have grown louder in recent weeks, alluding to a damaging internal crisis in the party. Abdullah however has defiantly said he would hold on the premiership and would wait till the Umno party’s election in December to let the party delegates decide his fate as the leader. “Abdullah claims he still has the supports but that is not true, the only support he got came from the ‘fixed deposit’ from Sabah and Sarawak,” added Husam. Contrary to common political analysts’ views, Husam also argued the post-election cabinet line-up introduced by Abdullah has not helped to strengthen the latter’s position as premier. He was of the view that the new cabinet was ‘tainted’ by figures such as de facto law minister Zaid Ibrahim and Rural and Regional Development Minister Muhammad Muhd Taib. Zaid was found guilty of money politics by the Umno disciplinary board in 2005 while Muhammad was charged - but cleared later - in Australia in 1996 of making false declaration on carrying in the equivalent of RM2.4 million in different currencies. Wrong to blame Razaleigh On BN’s performance in Kelantan, Husam - a leading potential successor to Kelantan Menteri Besar Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat - said it was wrong for Abdullah to point fingers at Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who is also Kelantan’s Gua Musang MP. The PAS politician pointed out that if Razaleigh was to be blamed for the BN’s perfomance in Kelantan, it would be worse off for Abdullah who as the BN chief lost in four other states. “Furthermore, Tengku Razaleigh has never been given the (Kelantan Umno) state chief post or any prominent role. He was not consulted on major decision about Kelantan,” argued Husam. After coming under continuous attack, Abdullah went offensive over the weekend by firing back at his leading critics which included his predecessor Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Anwar and Razaleigh. The premier said Razaleigh “should look at himself” as to why Kelantan remained in PAS hands and alleged the latter had made no effort to help BN to recapture Kelantan from PAS.

Husam: Islamic state not on Pakatan agenda

Husam: Islamic state not on Pakatan agenda

Beh Lih Yi & Fathi Aris Omar | Apr 8, 08 2:27pm

Islamist party PAS will continue to champion the cause of an Islamic state although it will not pursue the agenda through the newly-formed opposition alliance Pakatan Rakyat, a senior PAS leader has said. Vice-president Husam Musa said the Islamic state, a controversial agenda which often caused ideological tiffs between PAS and DAP, shall remain a “guidance” for its members at the party level. “PAS members need an idealism to serve as their reference. Islamic state is that idealism which differentiate our members from other political parties,” he told Malaysiakini in an hour-long interview in Kuala Lumpur yesterday. “If we want to fight corruption, what is the basis? For PAS members, it is based on Islamic teachings that a leader must be clean, transparent and avoid corrupt practice, that is the Islamic description of a leader. If you don’t have this, you will just be another Umno leader.” Husam, who represents the more open-minded professional group within PAS, stressed that Islamic governance is similar to that of universal good governance standard such as the emphasis on trustworthy, fairness, justice and no discrimination, among others. He however quickly added that PAS did not seek to pursue its Islamic agenda at PR level. “We accept the federal constitution as the main frame (in governing) and it is the basis where we move,” he said, assuring coalition partners, especially DAP, not to be worried over the matter. ‘BN post-election agenda’ PAS’ intention to establish an Islamic state has long been a bone of contention among the opposition parties and led to the Chinese-predominant DAP to leave the Barisan Alternatif coalition - which also comprised of PKR - in 2001. The non-Muslims are in fear that strict Islamic laws, which provide for amputation and stoning to death, will be imposed should an Islamic state is set up although PAS has repeatedly cited the state of Kelantan where it ruled since 1990 as an example to show its respect for other races. However, with its dismal showing in the 2004 general elections winning only six parliamentary seats, PAS decided to ‘soften’ its image as a hardline Islamic party and toned down on its Islamic state agenda. Nevertheless, the problem seem to continue to plague the opposition parties with the formation of the new opposition alliance, called PR this time, after their differences on the matter were played up in the media. DAP chairperson Karpal Singh was quoted in the media last week as telling PAS not to dream of spearheading PR to realise its struggle of making Malaysia an Islamic state to which PAS spiritual leader Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat retorted that the former has belittled PAS’ efforts to promote Islam. On this, the Kelantan-based Husam claimed these media reports were part of the “post-election agenda by Barisan Nasional to damage and destroy the stability of PR”. “From the PAS perspective, it is a big success where DAP can accept PAS (in forming PR),” said Husam, who holds the influential post of economic planning, finance and welfare in the Kelantan state government’s line-up. He stressed that none of the three opposition parties could afford to pursue its own agenda as the election results, he argued, have shown the people were expecting PKR, DAP and PAS to work together. “The parties need to understand that the people wanted to reject BN, deny their two-thirds and reduce their arrogance in power. It is not because they love PKR, DAP or PAS but they hate BN, so we can’t claim it’s just PAS’ victory or DAP’s victory. “For that, we need to put people’s agenda as the first priority,” he pointed out. Nik Aziz’s health ‘as good as before’ The 48-year-old PAS leader, who was clad in a red nehru-collared shirt, also laughed off questions on the leadership succession plan in Kelantan - a question where he said has been asked “a thousand times”. An apparent right-hand man to current Kelantan MB Nik Abdul Aziz, who is also his political mentor, Husam has been seen as the leading contender to succeed the much-respected state’s leader. The economics graduate from Universiti Malaya had served as the press and political secretary to Nik Abdul Aziz for nine years before he stood and won the Kubang Kerian parliamentary seat in the 1999 general election. “When I joined PAS after graduating from university, PAS was at its lowest ebb, it lost in the election and was kicked out from BN. From day one, I just want to support and assist the party in its struggle. “I never dreamt of being a state assemblyperson or parliamentarian, so the issue of me being a MB candidate do not arise. There can be all sorts of speculations and perceptions but personally speaking, I don’t think I am qualified for the job,” he said, without elaborate. He said there are many other capable leaders in the state who are potential successors to Nik Abdul Aziz, but added that he has no clue when the elderly leader will step down. Husam also brushed off speculations on Nik Aziz’s deteriorating health. According to him, the MB’s health condition is “as good as before”. “Sometimes, he go to hospital just for a rest,” said Husam, pointing out the MB normally will have to receive a stream of visitors when the latter is at home. Below are other highlights of the interview: On the opposition’s victories in the March 8 election It is unique. Now we have PAS ruling Kedah and Kelantan, DAP in Penang and PKR leads Selangor. Each party will have one state which they can show their leadership model. This is a healthy competition among the PR (component parties). It’s up to the respective state governments to launch their initiatives to show whether they are competent to run the country. On the ‘new politics’ When (DAP supremo) Lim Kit Siang said he can’t accept a PAS menteri besar (in Perak), he received so many comments on his blog from all races including the Chinese who said they don’t mind supporting a PAS MP as long as the old government is replaced by a new government. This is a new trend (in politics). Therefore, at this stage, if you want to pursue your own agenda, you will neglect the people’s expectation (for a change). On the new opposition-ruled state governments There shall be two priorities. Firstly, they must strengthen the state government’s machinery and policies which will realise the people’s wish for changes and a better welfare. They must uphold the spirit of good governance and improve the efficiency of local council which have became the complaint of the people. Secondly, the new state government must audit what was done by the previous government, so there is a line drawn on the new and old state governments. They can also review the structure of the revenue and tax (collection) which is under their jurisdiction. They can use these revenue efficiently, set up a fund to prepare for more housing scheme, especially for the Indians in the estates. On Selangor’s proposal to impose an additional RM9 levy on foreign worker I can understand the objective to have that policy but I hope it can be studied further. Foreign workers, especially the Indonesians and Bangladeshi, are among the poorest foreign workers. RM9 is a big burden for them. Since the federal government already imposed an one percent levy on them, collecting more than RM200 million a year, it’s better the Selangor state government can talk to the federal government to get some of these funds. The RM9 is unavoidable going to be transferred onto the workers due to our present labour contracts which are not so clear. In additional to that, the federal government has offered more than 40 types of training, so it could be redundant (for the Selangor state government to impose the levy and use the fund to organise training for locals). In the second and final part of the interview to be published tomorrow, Husam will talk about the ongoing Umno internal crisis, including why Prime Minister and Umno chief Abdullah Ahmad Badawi should not let the party’s election in December to decide his fate.