Nik Aziz's outlandish edicts

Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat’s edicts in the 1990s on female appearances reflect the mentality of oppressive worlds.

Azmi Anshar


In the 20 years he has been in power, Pas spiritual leader and Kelantan Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat has made a series of unusual if not provocative edicts, particularly on how women should dress or behave. But it is his propensity to make them without the blessings of DAP and PKR that had compelled Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to reprimand him. AZMI ANSHAR takes a look at 
Nik Aziz’s pronouncements over the years

SOON after taking over as Kelantan mentri besar in 1990, Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat immediately issued a series of public pronouncements, but none more provocative than the ones that seemingly denuded women of their long-held rights to dress, appear and behave as they always had in Malaysia.

Women activists protested hard, smarting from Nik Aziz's divinatory diktats. But in Kelantan, his pronouncements soon morphed into startling statutes severely limiting a woman's statuesque -- no lipstick, no perfume, no showing of hair and no Western-styled dressing. In short, no demonstration of beauty.

At least for Muslim women, no interaction, socially or otherwise even in public places, if the opposite sex is not the immediate family.

The Pas-led Kelantan government soon made the no-interaction decree official when separate gender lines, once the norm in Pas ceramah and assemblies, were instituted at separate check-out lines in supermarkets. (These days, the edict appears to be just in name).

Nik Aziz's rationale harbours on the distress that it does to "pious" Muslim men: they seem to suffer sleepless nights and cannot pray properly, distracted by public feminine flauntings.

He describes the men's dilemma as "emotional abuse", just as disturbing as abuse of children and wives in households but less seen and no less subtle.

For Kelantanese women, Nik Aziz's early-1990s edicts seem incongruous: they have been an accepted fact for generations that Kelantanese Malay women are enterprising, their lot in the trading markets and shophouses dotting the streets of Kota Baru, and running small- and medium-sized companies, a testament to their intelligence and practicality.

The Nik Aziz edicts, however, are in reality the prologue to Pas' zeal to push the Islamic card harder than the Umno-led Barisan Nasional government ever could.

The only ones upset with Pas' steamrolling ways were Muslims in Kelantan. The steadfast Muslims among Umno supporters grudgingly appreciate the legitimacy in what Pas is asserting.

This probably explains why Pas' religious card remains a political dominant in Kelantan, clinging on votes from erstwhile Umno adherents to maintain its electoral grip.

Nonetheless, the non-Muslims are only too happy that the Pas government has not trampled on the rights of their women or to enjoy their favourite brew.

Now, to the dismay of the Chinese community and Pas' political partners, DAP and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), even legalised gambling has been deprived, the justification being that it is enforcement of a longstanding prohibition.

While DAP's Karpal Singh thundered that the ban violated the rights enshrined in the Federal Constitution and laws, opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim decided on a little bit of circumspection, issuing a little reprimand to Nik Aziz, urging the menteri besar to at least discuss with the other two parties before embarking on changes to major regulations.

For Nik Aziz, as long as political intrigue and scheming defer to his spiritual terms and reference and that of his hardliners, he will administer things much within his own little spaced-out world, an ambit that is "different" and "above" the inclusiveness of DAP and PKR.

Which makes Anwar's job tougher, especially when his own credibility and numbers are dwindling (poor turnout during his by-election ceramah and Sodomy II trial that party stalwarts were forced to carry out shift duties to rally the troops).

Anwar is the glue that weaves the three parties together and that is the rub: Pas, Nik Aziz by demonstration, seems resentful of that fact, in private at least, because in public, they make a big show of comradeship and togetherness.

Perhaps this is the price the opposition coalition has to pay for remaining reticent to Nik Aziz's somewhat obsession at making sexist edicts. Will Nik Aziz be the awkward free spirit who will unglue the partnership?

Nik Aziz's edicts in the 1990s on female appearances reflect the mentality of oppressive worlds where women play secondary and subservient, even slavish, roles.

While Muslim women have, by peer pressure or by their own code of modesty, already begun wearing headscarves by the droves and worn less revealing clothing, following the government's Islamisation process from the mid-1980s, their sensibilities would not allow them to give up their savvy fashion sense, cosmetics and, most importantly, right to upward mobility and breaking the glass ceiling to become social, corporate and political leaders.

In doing so, women in Malaysia have also become leaders of men, many of whom have readily accepted the subordinate role but some of whom despise it.

After the March 8, 2008 electoral gains, women -- to the horror of some -- are playing a bigger role.

So, how does Nik Aziz deal with Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail or other DAP and PKR women leaders who sit and stand equidistantly with the other men in Pas without Nik Aziz tripping on his female chastity-designed edicts?

Conversely, the 80-year-old Pas spiritual guru may think that women in Malaysia have overstepped their ascendancy, more after getting a handful of criticism that branded him as a "cult leader" similar to renegade cult leader Ayah Pin, no less from a woman.

In doing so, Farahana Jamaludin, director of the relatively-new outfit Malaysian Malays Network, unnerved and ignited the fury of the male-dominated Pas legionnaires who lambasted her perhaps more venomously than had she been a man.

Notably, former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad blasted Nik Aziz in three postings in his popular Che Det blog for spiritual hypocrisy.

Such is the venom against her "impudence" that she has received the ultimate accolade -- the Facebook profile "Farahana Jamaludin Wajib Minta Maaf Dengan Tok Guru Nik Aziz", dedicated to the demand that she must apologise to Nik Aziz.

After all those years of dictating a women's fortitude, the Pas legionnaires, in deifying Nik Aziz as pure and virtuous despite his obvious sputtering ways, cannot accept that the spiritual leader is humanly liable for criticisms, more so if the disparagement comes from a woman.

Twenty years on, Nik Aziz and his fanatical followers may still privately hold views that a woman cannot be allowed to govern or lead, much less dress or behave in the Malaysian way.

However, it seems that this kind of thinking is, providentially, confined to his Kelantan enclave because in the national platform, it has no bearing and is somewhat irrelevant and politically incorrect.

Once Pas pitted women as leaders in successfully fielding Dr Lo' Lo' Ghazali at the Titiwangsa parliamentary constituency in the 2008 general election and Normala Sudirman, who lost to BN in the Jan 27 Tenang by-election, Nik Aziz may be seen as licking his own spittle.

Of course, the irony would be that there is an exception to his edict: a woman leader is acceptable as long as she is an equal political partner who can help leverage Pas' electoral ambitions.

That is telling of Nik Aziz's chameleonic stand on securing political advantages, which means underneath the mullah garment is an astute politician who, wherever it is possible, still understands political machinations even if it means violating the grain of his sermons.

mishar@nst.com.my

Read more: Nik Aziz's outlandish edicts http://www.nst.com.my/nst/articles/10azizi/Article/#ixzz1H6P0Ycca

After Kerdau-Merlimau, reform or revolt?

Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad

I am fully conscious of how the BN’s mainstream media (MSM) would demonise and ostracise me for what I am about to say. I am nonetheless going to say it in simple and unequivocal term. Simply put, if I were to call the shot in N28 Kerdau by-election, I would want my party to boycott the election. Period. The BN’s MSM would then have a field day in making PAS their punching bag and would go to town for weeks on end on this huge political meal. They would be apparently vindicated for all their claims that the opposition is bankrupt of ideas and issues to fight them on any further political contestation. On the back of the looming 13th General Election (GE) coming ever closer, the decision to boycott would arguably be a political suicide for PAS and the Pakatan. Political analysts might argue that the opposition has finally succumbed to the psychological war of the BN’s ‘propagandist firepower’. It doesn’t take a pundit to tell you that. That is the usual ‘in-the-box-kind-of-thinking’ that invariably ends up in political parties quite unwilling to brace drastic unconventional ideas and maneuvers. That’s the thinking that underpins the predictable decision of most political parties of whatever ideological persuasions in the face of challenging situation. What’s my rationale for proposing this drastic action? Am I already conceding defeat on the 11th hours? Am I now perceived as mitigating the adverse impact of another PAS’ defeat? Say what you like. I have been part of the strategic teams of many a by-election especially after the 12th GE. Some we have won and others we lost. The sweetest victory was of course Kuala Terengganu and the more bitter defeat was Galas. On both occasions power changed hands. Kerdau's finishing line Quite contrary to the idea of running from defeat, I have a strange feeling that Kerdau is fast making me upbeat especially towards its finishing line. I am not commenting on Merlimau as I am not aware of the realities on ‘ground-zero’ in that BN’s state of Melaka. Let me say it again. I’m not looking for an upset in Kerdau but is seriously hoping for a reduction of the majority the BN’s candidate secured in the last GE. I’m not being wishful but given our campaign ‘blitz’ which put the Pahang’s MB defenceless to the finishing line, this writer is hardly surprised if the voters so decide to protest against Umno/BN’s decades of malaise and negligence as to give PAS a victory. No one in his right frame of mind would miss noticing that Kerdau is a ‘cowboy’ town. After 53 years Kerdau has never got on to be in the radar of development. It’s the PM’s home state mind you. So simply said again, I’m not running from defeat. However, this piece is at best purely academic as far as a boycott is concerned, as polling is well underway for both Merlimau and Kerdau, before this writer could publish or upload this piece. But I felt the compelling need to say and share it with the entire nation, before the results are announced this evening. I’m dead serious. If anything this piece and the likes of this writing, if widely enough read and disseminated, could very well be the genesis of a pending ‘national revolt’, not quite like the middle-eastern turmoil now on world stage that Najib dreaded. 'Electoral Authoritarianism’ But strangely quite alike though, as it will also represent the utter disdain and hatred of the rakyat or the citizens, for what is here now dubbed in “Political Science” as an ‘Electoral Authoritarianism’ (EA). Malaysia is now listed as one by the author of ‘The Logics of Electoral Authoritarianism”, Professor Andres Schedler (2006). Simply defined, EA is how government abuse power as to distort and contain a true electoral competition and denies and subverts a free and fair election. In the eyes of an enlarging enlightened sections of the Malaysian electorates and citizenry, Malaysia is indeed guilty of perpetuating ‘electoral authoritarianism’ with impunity. For that, Najib and his cohorts please take note! If Najib truly wants to put the “Ben-Ali-Mubaarak-Gaddafi-type Revolt” at bay in our beloved land of Malaysia, act urgently to redress and reform the many excesses and sins on ‘electoral authoritarianism’ that has continued unabated for far too long in this country! My arguments, with respect to a boycott call on Kerdau by-election, is essentially premised on, but not limited to the following basis and evidences. 1.Najib's now infamous saying, “We don’t buy votes, but if you support us we can increase your allocation tomorrow or later. But show support for Barisan Nasional first”. Now that could only equal to his atrocious words of “You help me, I help you” in Sibu ie his promise of delivering RM5 million on Monday if Robert Lau wins on Sunday now is iconised as the ultimate of ‘vote-buying’ in the lexicology of our local EA. If that is not votebuting, what is? 2.Najib began as early as on the second day of the campaign period to blitz Kerdau with ‘goodies’ and handouts as follows: RM400,000 for a hall in Kampong Seri Kerdau, RM150,000 for a Balai Bomba, RM100,000 for Hindu Temple and RM9.25millions on a water treatment plant in Batu Sawar. That’s a hefty RM10.4million, well exceeding the constituency budget allocation. Where are funds coming from? Umno’s coffers or cronies’ or rakyats’? 3.Abuse of usage of public premises for party political campaign listed below: i. Public Field in Teluk Sentang, ii. Mosques and Schools in Batu Sawar, iii. Community Hall in Jengka 23 Felda, iv. Broadband Centre for Jengka 25 v. Community Hall in Kuala Tekal vi. Kerdau’s Felda’s office. 4.Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Ahmad Maslan’s announcement that the federal government will settle the CESS payment of RM13,000 for each settler in Jengka 22 next Monday is a surely a covert inducement for settlers to vote for BN come polling day for the Kerdau by-election on Sunday. (Cess payments are monies deducted from the sale of rubber for the purpose of replanting rubber plantations with oil palm. However, when settlers made the decision to switch from rubber to oil palm in 2004, cess payments worth RM12,000 that each settler had accumulated over the course of more than 20 years were not paid by Felda. Felda had paid the settlers RM5,000 each but the Land Development Authority still owes the settlers RM13,000 each, including interest). The bone of contention is why only pay those in the Jengka 22 in the N28 Kerdau constituency, while all Felda settlers Pahang have long been waiting for what are rightly theirs! 5.The vicious and baseless attack on Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, the Director for PAS’ Strategic Centre for the N28 Kerdau by-election by the MSM. The footage was widely covered and repeated by the BN’s TV channels including the ‘independent’ TV3. This should be the last straw of it all. Seen and peceived by many as failing to respond to all the allegations of a failing Pahang state, as concertedly attacked by PAS’ election machinery, as depicted by Auditor General’s report, Umno took the final hours of campaign to level a smear campaign on him, accusing him of abusing and capitalizing on a Felda settler’s financial hardship to his advantage. Courting another Bersih-style revolt All these heinous hate campaign were fortunately clarified by those involved but wasn’t at all featured in the BN’s MSM. Abuse of MSM and denial of opposition’s right to MSM has become more rampant of late. Based on a snap-shot of the abuses and excesses of a regime that practices “Electoral Authoritarianism”, I for one would not have hesitated to give the Election Commission an ultimatum –Respond or face a National Revolt! For the information of all well-wishers of democracy and in all fairness to us in PAS/Pakatan, we had submitted on 2 memorandum to the EC, MACC and the PDRM to protest of all these abuses and subversion of democracy. It does not take a lawyer to be telling you that Najib and his cohorts are abusing the provision of the Election Offences Act of 1954 aimed at curbing abuses and corrupt practices of contending parties in an electoral process. It is the conviction of this writer that Malaysia may not well see the equivalent of the Middle Eastern upheaval soonest. But if this regime persists and perpetuates “Electoral Authoritarianism” with little or no regards for the demands of reform by both civil society and opposition political parties, Najib is indeed courting the like of another and bigger peaceful assembly of 500,000 protestors and well-wishers of democracy prior the 13th GE.