'Reconciliation will solve Thai violence'

2007/06/22
KUALA LUMPUR: Thailand wants to find a peaceful solution to the violence in its southern provinces through reconciliation, its Defence Minister Gen Boonrawd Somtas said yesterday. "We are trying to enact new measures to solve the problem using a reconciliation policy, but such policies take time to be incorporated," he said

"Once the policies of the Thai government come into effect, the situation will improve," he said after chairing the 47th General Border Committee (GBC) meeting between Malaysia and Thailand yesterday.

Boonrawd said the escalating violence over the past weeks indicated that the people behind it wanted international exposure.

The unrest, which erupted in January 2004 has left more than 2,200 people dead and thousands wounded.
Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, who co-chaired the meeting with Boonrawd, said the situation in southern Thailand would not affect the people in Kelantan as the violence was far from the border area.

He expressed confidence that the Thai government would resolve the conflict in the provinces of Yala, Narathiwat and Pattani.

"Security along the Malaysian-Thai border is under control."

Earlier in his opening speech, Najib who is also the defence minister, said Malaysia and Thailand must share and exchange information to fight and meet new challenges along their border.

"We must also be committed and determined to boost co-operation between the law enforcement agencies of both countries to prevent and combat transnational crimes and international terrorism, which threatens our security and economic development along the border areas.

"While we gather our efforts to strengthen security and stability along our common border for economic and social reasons, we must also make sure that our cordial relationship and our close co-operation continue to flourish,"

Although Malaysia had pledged to help Thailand in finding a solution to the conflict, Najib reaffirmed that this was a domestic problem and Malaysia would not interfere in its neighbour’s internal affairs.

The meeting agreed that both countries would continue their co-operation and co-ordination, and intensify efforts to restore confidence and peace to the area.

The Malaysian delegates included Defence Forces chief Gen Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Zainal and Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Musa Hassan.

Thailand will host the next meeting in June next year.

Crisis in south rooted in ethnic Malay identity

Govt's charm offensive may be winning support abroad, but it won't end bloodshed in region

Not long after Thai soldiers and police stacked hundreds of unarmed Muslim demonstrators on the back of military transport trucks - suffocating 78 of them in the process - the Thai Foreign Ministry went through their rolodex's looking for Muslim organisations.

The aftermath of the Tak Bai tragedy generated all kinds of fears and concerns.

Besides the possibility of a diplomatic fallout with Islamic countries over the death of 78 unarmed demonstrators, many were worried the incident would change the course of the insurgency in the deep South, turning local grievances into a struggle for Islamic causes. But nearly three years later, the banner is still very much Malay nationalism.

Prior to the Tak Bai incident, the then Thaksin Shinawatra administration didn't give much thought about generating political capital from international Islamic organisations or institutions.

But like most organisations, foreign or local, an institution is only as good as what you churn out of it. The previous government of Chuan Leekpai succeeded in securing a "permanent observer" seat in the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC). In doing so it dashed the hopes of separatist movements such as the Patani United Liberation Organisation (Pulo) or Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) from using it as a launching pad to attack Thailand.

As part of its effort to get the Muslim countries off its back, Bangkok launched a charm offensive. Diplomatic old hands and Muslim VIPs were dispatched to the Middle East and to OIC meetings.

There were some difficult moments, however. The OIC rattled the government's cage on more than one occasion, issuing some strong statements in 2005 over Thailand's handling of the far South.

After more than two years of diplomatic offensive, Thailand has succeeded in obtaining some breathing space.

But Bangkok also made some concessions. In a joint press statement in May 2007, the Foreign Ministry had to acknowledge the OIC's desire for "prompt and effective investigation of any allegation of human rights abuses". It also said that "long-term solutions to the problem in the South should entail granting the people of the region greater responsibility in governing effectively their local affairs".

Although no one knows what this will translate to in real terms, diplomatically speaking, the language of the joint statement suggested that the tricky topic of structural or administrative reform could be on the table in the future.

But while its charm offensive gives Thai officials some breathing space in the international arena, back in the deep South, the government's campaign to win hearts and minds is being clipped by reports and allegations of targeted killings and heavy handed measures.

Moreover, Muslims in the restive South, as well as those living exile, said Bangkok has been barking up the wrong tree with its insistence on playing the Islamic card.

The problem in the restive region is not about Islam; it is deep rooted in the ethnic Malays' refusal to embrace the pillars and values that define Thailand's nation-state building, they insist.

But Thai officials continue to ignore the complexity of the long-standing problem of assimilation and the question of identity the ethnic Malays face.

Oversimplifying the problems in the deep South tends to turn many Muslims off, particularly those who would like to work with the state but are disgusted by the government's futile policies.

Although it has put off many Muslims around the country, the government continues with its search for a model Muslim citizen, or "moderate", as the government likes to say, for others to emulate.

One big problem for Bangkok is that the model isn't catching on - no one wants to be seen as a "Muslim Uncle Tom".

Don Pathan

The Nation

Federal Govt To Take Over Solid Waste Management

June 22, 2007 15:50 PM

PUTRAJAYA, June 22 (Bernama) -- The federal government will take over the management of solid wastes and public cleaning from the local authorities with the setting up of the Solid Waste and Public Cleaning Management Corporation next year.

To effect this, two legislations will be tabled in Parliament on July 2, namely the Solid Waste and Public Cleaning Management System Bill and the Solid Waste and Public Cleaning Management Corporation Bill.

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak said the 54th meeting of the National Council Committee for Local Governments Friday approved the Bills which sought to give the federal government executive power to take over the management of solid wastes and public cleaning.

He said the government had approved a RM1 billion start-up grant to the corporation.

The government would also set up a supervisory department called the National Solid Waste Management Department, he told reporters after chairing the meeting here.

Mega pipeline under ‘loss-making company'

Beh Lih Yi Jun 20, 07 10:39am Adjust font size:

The DAP has cast doubts on the financial capability of the company - linked to a high-profile ex-politician - which will undertake the RM23.9 billion oil pipeline project. Its search of records filed with the Companies Commission of Malaysia (CCM) has revealed that Trans-Peninsula Petroleum Sdn Bhd - which has a paid up capital at RM150,000 - had reported accumulated losses of RM155,376 as at June 30 last year. “This must be a record for a company with a RM150,000 paid up capital to carry out a RM23.9 billion project,” DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng quipped at a press conference held at the party’s headquarters in Petaling Jaya yesterday. “Can a company of that size take on such a big project?” He urged Prime Minister and Finance Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to explain the decision. Lim said the records with CCM also showed that one of the three directors with the loss-making company is former Kedah Menteri Besar Osman Aroff. Two other directors are identified as Syed Izhar Syed Salleh and Mohd Kamil @ Rahim Kamil Sulaiman. Breach of law? In early May, Abdullah confirmed Malaysia would proceed with the RM24 billion pipeline to transport Middle East oil across the north of its peninsula to East Asian countries. The deal was inked on May 28, witnessed by Abdullah and his Indonesian counterpart Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The construction of the 312km crude-oil pipeline will traverse three northern states - Kedah, Perak and Kelantan. The DAP’s questioning of the company financial competence came after the opposition party claimed that the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report is not available on the project. Yesterday, Lim said Department of Environment (DOE) director (assessment) Halimah Hassan had written to him on June 13, confirming that the EIA report has not been submitted. “She said the report will be publicised in local papers and that a public review (will be) sought after the EIA report has been submitted to the DOE by the developers. “Obviously, the construction project has not fulfilled the requirements of the Environmental Quality Act 1974. How was approval be given even before the EIA has been submitted for approval by the DOE?” Previously, the DAP had voiced concern about the environmental impact and land problems associated with the construction of the oil pipeline. It will pass through fishing ports, padi farms, forest reserves, the Temenggor lake, areas with tourist attractions and populated areas.

Baiki hubungan Islam-Barat

Oleh: ZIN MAHMUD

SUDAH tentu suatu yang istimewa bagi penulis apabila dapat bertemu Karen Armstrong kerana buku-bukunya telah banyak ditatapi. Dari buku History of God (Sejarah Tuhan) pada 1993 hingga The Great Transformation (Transformasi Besar) yang belum habis dibaca.

Di antara dua buku itu ialah Islam: A Short History (Islam: Sejarah Pendek) dan Muhammad: A Prophet of our Time (Muhammad: Seorang Nabi Zaman Kita).

Buku mengenai Islam itu memberi gambaran adil mengenai agama itu dan dijual laris di Britain apabila diterbitkan ekoran peristiwa 11 September. Armstrong muncul sebagai seorang yang membela Islam dalam masyarakat dan suasana Islamofobia selepas peristiwa itu.

Armstrong, 63, berketurunan Irish memakai baju berwarna hitam, berambut pendek perang ketika diwawancara di Hotel Mandarin Oriental. Beliau berada di Kuala Lumpur untuk berceramah dalam Program Pembicaraan Pemuda Antara Tamadun anjuran Pergerakan Antarabangsa bagi Dunia Adil (JUST) di Kajang. Ceramah beliau bertajuk Peranan Agama dalam Abad ke-21 anjuran Institut Diplomasi dan Hubungan Luar (IDFR).

Ditanya apakah kaedah beliau menulis buku dengan banyak dan mendalam, beliau berkata: ‘‘Saya membaca banyak buku. Mengkaji, menelaah buku. Tidak ada jalan singkat. Perlu kerja keras untuk menulis buku.”

Selanjutnya beliau menceritakan bagaimana menulis buku adalah suatu kerja yang sunyi dan bersendirian, malah seperti kehidupan seorang paderi. Dalam membaca dan menulis, seorang menemui ketenangan rohani. Malah ia menjadi sebagai suatu ibadah. Seperti yang terungkap dalam tradisi agama Yahudi di mana kerohanian ditemui melalui teks, iaitu membaca.

Armstrong pernah menjadi paderi Katolik, yang dalam istilah Inggerisnya disebut nun. Kisah beliau semasa menjadi paderi ditulis dalam buku autobiografinya, Through the Narrow Gate (Melalui Gerbang Sempit) dan The Spiral Staircase (Tangga Bulatan).

Buku ini sudah diterjemahkan ke bahasa Indonesia dan pernah diulas oleh Shaharom TM Sulaiman, dan disiarkan dalam Utusan Malaysia.

Hampir kesemua bukunya diterjemahkan ke bahasa Indonesia termasuk Sejarah Tuhan. Buku History of God diharamkan di Malaysia.

Satu-satunya negara di dunia yang mengharamkannya. Penulis sempat membacanya sebelum ia diharamkan.

Sebanyak 20 buku telah beliau tulis yang menjadikannya sebagai ahli sejarah agama.

‘‘Buat masa ini saya sedang menulis buku mengenai Bible. Bagaimana mentafsirkan teks. Ia juga relevan dengan al-Quran.”

Sebab-sebab beliau meninggalkan agama Katolik dikisahkan dalam autobiografinya itu.

Armstrong menceritakan bagaimana beliau terlepas dekad 60-an iaitu waktu dunia berubah begitu mendadak. Menurutnya, beliau tidak mengenal kumpulan The Beetles dan ketika keluar daripada konvent, satu dekad berlalu begitu saja.

Beliau kurang senang dengan sebarang sikap yang merenggangkan hubungan antara agama. Lebih-lebih lagi hubungan dunia Katolik yang diketuai oleh Pope Benedict XVI dengan umat Islam.

Baginya, semua manusia berkaitan di antara satu sama lain dan hubungan antara agama mesti baik. Sungguhpun begitu, segala upacara Katolik telah mewarnai kehidupan kerohaniannya walaupun setelah meninggalkan agama itu. Katanya, kehidupan di konvent lebih kepada soal upacara daripada fahaman.

Sikap beliau terhadap agama itu menimbulkan rasa tidak senang di kalangan komuniti di Britain.

Selepas tidak lagi menjadi paderi, beliau meneruskan pelajarannya di Universiti Oxford dalam bidang kesusasteraan Inggeris. Hasratnya untuk menjadi sarjana kesusasteraan Inggeris. Tentunya kajian dalam sastera melatihnya untuk mengkaji dan mentafsir teks. Ketika itu, seperti kebanyakan orang di Britain, beliau menolak agama.

Daripada kajian kesusasteraan ini, keindahan penulisan beliau terserlah. Tetapi apa yang membawanya kembali kepada agama, kerohanian dan ketuhanan ialah bacaannya terhadap agama Yahudi. Beliau pergi ke Baitulmaqdis, dan dari situ mula berkembang minat terhadap Islam. Di situ beliau bertemu dengan orang Islam.

Maka ia mendorong minatnya untuk mengkaji apa yang disebut sebagai agama Ibrahim, iaitu Yahudi, Kristian dan Islam. Beliau pernah disebut sebagai monoteis bebas iaitu menghargai ketiga-tiga agama, Yahudi, Kristian dan Islam.

Tetapi apabila ditanya adakah benar kenyataan itu, beliau berkata, anutannya adalah kerohanian dari semua agama termasuk tradisi Timur seperti Buddha, Hindu dan Taoisme yang beliau paparkan dalam The Great Transformation.

Dalam buku itu dipaparkan betapa manusia pada satu zaman tiba-tiba sedar mengenai agama. Socrates di Greece, Buddha di India dan Lao-tze di China.

Tentang Islam, beliau berasa cenderung dalam tradisi Sufi. Ditanya apakah yang menarik tentang Islam? Beliau meletakkan pluralisme sebagai sifat agama ini yang menjadi kekuatan.

Maka di Britain, beliau menjadi tokoh undangan yang akan bercakap mempertahankan agama. Dalam banyak-banyak agama pula, beliau dikenali sebagai orang yang mempertahankan Islam.

Menurutnya, beliau turut diundang dalam forum untuk berdepan dengan tokoh-tokoh pejuang ateisme seperti Richard Dawkins, Christopher Hitchens dan lain-lain.

Dawkins dianggap sebagai pemuka neo-ateisme. Fahaman ini menolak agama secara agresif. Tidak seperti ateis lama yang hanya tidak mempercayai Tuhan, golongan neo-ateis ini menyifatkan agama sebagai penyakit dan pembawa masalah bagi manusia. Mereka pula aktif menyebarkan fahaman ini untuk mengajak orang meninggalkan agama.

Dawkins, seorang ahli teori evolusi di Universiti Oxford menggunakan hujah-hujah sains bagi menentang agama.

Tetapi bagi Armstrong, mereka ini fundamentalis sekular yang mempunyai pandangan sempit tentang agama dan Tuhan.

Menurut Armstrong, konsep Tuhan yang dipegang oleh manusia berubah dari semasa kecil hinggalah apabila dewasa dan matang. Ketuhanan dan agama adalah kompleks dan wajar difahami dengan mengkaji.

Tetapi konsep ketuhanan yang ditolak oleh golongan neo-ateis itu adalah primitif dan simplistik. Mereka tidak menyelami kehebatan agama untuk menghayati.

Bila disebut Allahuakbar, menurutnya, membawa maksud ketuhanan yang Maha Besar dan melangkaui kefahaman simplistik yang dipegang oleh neo-ateis itu.

*Perbezaan

Tetapi katanya di Britain, hanya enam peratus yang mengamal agama. Banyak gereja ditinggalkan. Katanya, kemungkinan orang yang meningkatkan angka itu ialah orang Islam di Britain.

Ditanya adakah perbezaan antara Islam di Asia Barat dengan Islam di Asia Tenggara?

Armstrong memberitahu, kunjungannya ke Kuala Lumpur ini adalah yang pertama ke Asia Tenggara. Tetapi baginya, Asia Barat mengalami tragedi hingga menimbulkan suasana ketegangan antara agama. Kolonialisme memburukkan keadaan di mana kewujudan Israel yang membawa kepada peminggiran Palestin menyebabkan pertembungan antara agama.

Asia Barat sentiasa dirundung perang sejak tahun 1948, iaitu ketika Israel ditubuhkan. Orang Eropah berasa bersalah dengan Holocaust dalam Perang Dunia Kedua. Ekoran itu dirasakan orang Yahudi perlu memiliki negara sendiri iaitu Israel.

‘‘Tetapi bukanlah menyingkirkan penduduk Palestin,” ujarnya yang menunjukkan sokongan kepada hak rakyat Palestin.

Menurut beliau, satu lagi faktor yang menjadikan Asia Barat malang ialah minyak. Kehadiran minyak menyebabkan tamak haloba timbul dan mendorong kuasa Barat mendukung rejim-rejim zalim seperti Shah Iran dan Saddam Hussein pada peringkat awalnya.

Israel dan minyak menimbulkan kekacauan di Asia Barat sehingga hubungan antara agama terjejas.

Armstrong mengakui bahawa pada satu masa beliau meletakkan harapan besar kepada Iran untuk membawa gerakan baru dan memperbaiki hubungan antara agama. Beliau merujuk kepada gerakan prodemokrasi Iran pimpinan bekas Presiden Ahmad Khatami yang dikenali sebagai pelopor konsep Dialog Antara Tamadun. Menurutnya, harapan ini hilang apabila Presiden George W. Bush mengutarakan konsep Paksi Kejahatan (Axis of Evil) di mana Iran, ketika itu pimpinan Khatami adalah salah sebuah negara jahat.

Keadaan ini menimbulkan reaksi negatif dengan rakyat Iran menolak golongan prodemokrasi dan menyokong Presiden Mahmud Ahmedinejad. Hasilnya ialah ketegangan yang lebih meruncing bukan saja antara AS dengan Iran, tetapi antara Islam dan Barat.

Apakah beza sebelum peristiwa 11 September dan sesudahnya? Armstrong menyatakan bahawa dunia sedang berubah. Peristiwa itu menunjukkan bahawa kekuatan sesebuah kuasa besar boleh dilawan.

‘‘Tidak mustahil satu hari kumpulan-kumpulan kecil ini mampu memperoleh senjata nuklear,” ujarnya.

Beliau menyebut betapa perang di Lebanon tahun lalu menunjukkan, kumpulan kecil boleh mengalahkan negara yang besar. Armstrong merujuk keadaan di mana Hizbullah dapat mengalahkan Israel.

Katanya, reaksi rakyat Britain kepada peristiwa pengeboman 7 Julai adalah berbeza dengan pihak AS kepada peristiwa 11 September. Ini kerana, menurutnya, AS tidak pernah mengalami serangan ke atas wilayah daratnya. Serangan ke atas Pearl Harbour semasa Perang Dunia Kedua adalah berbentuk di luar pantai.

Sebab itu AS bertindak macam-macam termasuk serangan ke atas Afghanistan dan Iraq. Tetapi Britain yang pernah mengalami serangan langsung dalam Perang Dunia Kedua adalah lebih tenang. Banyak orang Britain menjangka akan berlaku pengeboman 7 Julai itu kerana polisi kerajaan London terhadap Iraq.

Justeru, apakah pandangannya mengenai hubungan Islam dan Barat?

Beliau tanpa teragak-agak menegaskan bahawa memperbaiki hubungan antara Islam dan Barat adalah satu-satunya cara bagi menyelamatkan dunia demi masa depan keturunan manusia.

‘‘Lagipun kita semua berkongsi nilai-nilai yang sama,” tegasnya dengan merujuk kepada persamaan nilai dalam tradisi Yahudi, Kristian dan Islam.

Bagaimana caranya? Baginya sebagai penulis: ‘‘Terus mengkaji, menulis dan keluarkan lebih banyak buku.”

Maksudnya ialah terus meyakinkan manusia supaya berbaik-baik, saling sayang-menyayangi dan mempelajari lebih mendalam mengenai agama untuk mengetahui kebesaran nilai-nilai kerohanian yang sebenarnya rasional dan membahagiakan.

Ditanya apakah beliau lakukan pada masa rehatnya, kalau tidak menulis atau berceramah, Armstrong yang tidak pernah berkahwin itu menyatakan:

‘‘Membaca novel, mendengar musik klasik chamber dan makan-makan dengan kawan.”

Banyak orang mungkin tidak setuju dengan pendapat dan kepercayaannya mengenai kesaksamaan agama dan juga perspektifnya tentang Tuhan dalam buku The History of God.

Tetapi di dunia hari ini, tidak ada sesiapa selain Armstrong yang mengkaji tentang sejarah agama dengan begitu mendalam dan menulisnya untuk bacaan ramai orang di seluruh dunia melalui gaya penulisan popular.

‘‘Semua buku yang saya tulis memerlukan perhatian dan kerja keras yang sukar,” ujar beliau.

Islam and Muslims in today’s world

2007/06/09
Tony Blair

BRITAIN is today a country of two million Muslims in a Europe that has over 20 million Muslims.

I would like to pay tribute to our British Muslim communities. Overwhelmingly they make a significant positive and growing contribution to modern Britain.

We have successful Muslims in all areas of British life — business, sport, media, culture and the professions.

And as a result of what is happening in the world today, there is an interest and appetite across all sections of society to know more about Islam in all its diversity.

This is not, repeat not, about equating interest in Islam with anxiety over extremism. But it explains, in part, the desire to learn about what moves and motivates our Muslim communities.
It is time to allow the many dimensions of Islam to speak about themselves in a more considered, more profound way than the short bursts of news coverage normally permit.

When I have met groups of Muslims, especially younger ones, of course the normal issues about foreign policy arise. But the predominant complaint is about how they believe their true faith is constantly hijacked and subverted by small, unrepresentative groups who get disproportionately large amounts of publicity.

It is the way of the modern media world that what counts is impact.

Those willing to come on television and articulate extreme and violent views make so much more impact than those who use the still small voice of reason and moderation.

I ask people to listen to the distinguished scholars and religious leaders — the authentic voices of Islam.

The voices of extremism are no more representative of Islam than the use, in times gone by, of torture to force conversion to Christianity represents the true teaching of Christ.

In doing this, there is another purpose: to reclaim from extremists, of whatever faith, the true essence of religious belief.

In the face of so much high profile accorded to religious extremism, to schism, and to confrontation, it is important to show that religious faith is not inconsistent with reason, or progress, or the celebration of diversity. Round the world today, along with the images of violence, are the patient good works of people of different faiths coming together, understanding each other, respecting each other.

Religious faith has much to contribute to the public sphere; is still a thriving part of what makes a cohesive community; is a crucial motivator of millions of citizens around the world; and is an essential if non-governmental way of helping to make society work.

It is important to acknowledge that round the world today there is a new and urgent impetus being given to promulgating the true voices of Islam.

This is especially the case in the field of education. But the role of education goes much wider than simply religious education.

For example, at the recent Middle East World Economic Forum, Sheikh Mohammed Rashid Al Maktoum, vice-president and prime minister of the UAE and Ruler of Dubai, announced the creation of a groundbreaking US$10 billion (RM34 billion) foundation to promote education in Arab countries.

Such initiatives tap into the ages-old tradition of Islam where — in line with the Quran — knowledge is revered and Muslims urged to pursue it.

There is also a clear move across the world to assert strongly the moderate and true authority of Islam.

In Jordan, in 2004, under the leadership of King Abdullah, the Amman Message was released seeking to declare what Islam is and what it is not, and how it should be manifested.

I was deeply impressed when, the next year, the king convened 200 leading scholars from no less than 50 countries, who unanimously issued a declaration on three basic issues: the validity of different Islamic schools of thought and theology; the forbidding of declarations of apostasy between Muslims; and criteria for the issuing of fatwas — religious edicts — to pre-empt the spawning of illegitimate versions.

This was a clear message that Islam is not a monolithic faith. This rich diversity needs to be more clearly appreciated and to inform our public debates more fully.

Also in 2005, the summit meeting of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference issued a declaration.

The summit reaffirmed Islam as a religion of moderation and modernity. It rejected bigotry and extremism. It supported work to establish the values of Islam as those of understanding, tolerance, dialogue and multilateralism. It adopted the principles of the Amman Message.

And in 2006 the Topkapi Declaration emphasised that Muslims have long played a distinguished part in European history and encouraged them to continue doing so.

It stressed the opportunities for Muslims to flourish as full citizens in the pluralistic societies which increasingly characterise every country in this continent, especially since the fall of communism.

I draw four lessons from these and other similar examples.

Firstly, that the role of theology and philosophy is vital to Islam, indeed as it is to any religion, in helping its adherents to engage with the modern world while drawing on its core principles.

Secondly, Muslims overwhelmingly want to play a full part in the complex and diverse societies in which they find themselves .

Thirdly, others in societies in which Muslims are co-citizens must also evolve and adapt in how they respond to the changing nature of their societies. This is a two-way street. Each must learn from the other, about the other.

And fourthly, and as a natural consequence of my first three points, the great religions of the world must continue the dialogue between them, and help inter-faith work to grow.

Greater mutual understanding should be the aim of all of us. And a closer working together to tackle the needs of our shared world — needs which are often pressing and cry out for action.

None of this, incidentally, is designed to screen out a healthy rigorous debate about the controversies of foreign policy.

Many Christians disagreed with the decisions I took over Afghanistan or Iraq.

Leave aside for a moment whether they were the right or wrong decisions. What is damaging is if they are seen in the context of religious decisions.

The religious faith of either country was as irrelevant to the decision as was the fact that the Kosovo Albanians we rescued were Muslims, suffering under a Serbian dictatorship, whose religion happened to be Christian Orthodox; or in helping the people of Sierra Leone, 70 per cent of whom are Muslims.

This point is crucial at a number of different levels. The problem between faiths and communities, as too often in life and in politics, is not where there is disagreement about decisions; but where there is misunderstanding about motives.

I was asked the other day by a young person if it was true Muslims wanted to kill all Christians. "No," I said. "And did you know that Muslims revere Jesus as a Prophet?"

The youngster was astounded, barely able to believe there are significant passages in the Quran devoted to Jesus, and to Mary. I recommend the book The Muslim Jesus to anyone interested in this aspect.

But the point is this: the need to explain Islam to the world: its common roots with Judaism and Christianity, how it began, how it developed, how far removed it is, from the crude and warped distortion of the extremists. Where there is ignorance, there is distrust, and sometimes hatred. Understanding is a great healer.

It is not about governments lecturing the Muslim world, or our Muslim communities.

It is rather time to take the opportunity to listen; to hear Islam’s true voice; to welcome and appreciate them; and in doing so, to join up with all those who believe in a world where religious faith is respected because faiths respect each other as well as those of no faith; and are prepared in holding to their own truth, not to disrespect the truth clear to others.

Tony Blair is the outgoing Prime Minister of Britain - The New Straits Times

Sticky weather in Kelantan

Bridget Welsh Jun 11, 07 11:08am

In 2005 the Young Turks in PAS led by deputy president Nasharudin Mat Isa swept to power, bringing a promise of greater dialogue and engagement. They aimed to re-brand the party to strengthen its national electoral position, with the hope of expanding its support reminiscent of the heyday 'reformasi' era.

This first weekend in June, they faced a serious challenge, led by the conservative ulama Harun Taib from Terengganu. They survived the conservative putsch, but not without significant damage.

The party’s divisions came to the fore, and the internal and external obstacles for strengthening PAS’ support nation-wide are more pressing than ever.

The mood at the 53rd muktamar was one of subdued but intense reflection, perhaps best captured by the heavy humidity in Kota Bharu. For the entire Friday the sun did not come out, as clouds covered PAS’ Putik compound. The delegates’ attention centred on how PAS should identify itself. While there was consistent agreement on the pivotal role of Islam as the party’s anchor, debate revolved around strategies of articulating the party’s message, relations with outsiders, the tenor of the message itself and electoral priorities for the party - not easy issues to resolve.

For many outside PAS, it remains at its core an Islamic fundamentalist party. Yet this broad brush fails to capture the changes that the party has undergone, especially since the devastating loss in the 2004 polls. The party’s re-branding has been significant in that the PAS has adopted new approaches and reached out to new constituents.

The main change of the last two years has been an attempt to project a ‘professional’ image - perhaps best signified by the purchase of RM9 million building on Jalan Raja Laut, Kuala Lumpur. It represents the cumulation of intensive fund-raising efforts from independent sources and the strengthening of the party as an institution.

PAS’ strong funding position places it in a favourable financial position for the next election, and its method or fund-raising by building primarily on independent entrepreneurs and professionals differs sharply from that of Umno which is perceived to rely heavily on state distribution of contracts/projects for funding.

The professional image of PAS has been accompanied by an embrace of modern communication technology. PAS has a new television station in Kelantan and its Harakahdaily.net website far outstrips its Umno counterpart in reporting and party message delivery. The use of the Internet to project the party has taken on greater importance over the past few years as the party has attempted to reach out to the 42 percent of Malaysians who now reportedly are online. With live tv.cam coverage of the muktamar, interested Malaysians were able to watch the debate first hand.

Broader engagement

PAS has also moved towards implementing more socially-conscious programmes geared towards promoting religion in everyday life. It is an extension of the party’s close ties with religious education that has deepened over the last decade. This expanded social agenda focuses on the young and vulnerable groups, and has been influenced by the actions of other Islamist parties in the region, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Indonesia. This agenda has evolved gradually with more frequent humanitarian missions, locally and abroad, and an expansion of social services, notably kindergartens. It has been enhanced by the greater financial security of the party and closer ties to professionals and the middle-class within Malaysia.

The reform initiative also included a more prominent role for women within the party. The last few years have seen a rise in the role of women, albeit minimal compared to the number of women in the party and the electorate. Before the party meeting, the 'Muslimat' was led by medical practitioner Dr Lo’ Lo’ Mohd Ghazali who, along with her central committee professional colleagues, took a strong position advocating female candidates in the polls with, potentially, one from each state.

The reform-minded women leadership - which lost in the 'Muslimat' election - also helped to build up the Nisa movement, a group of young women that is parallel to the powerful Puteri Umno. Unlike Puteri, however, this group is envisioned to engage in humanitarian work rather than serve as an overt political group to enlarge the party’s base. Yet, no question, Nisa is a potential means to appeal to younger voters along the same line as the 2005 Mawi concert in Kelantan.

The most-touted component of this re-branding has been a broader engagement with non-Muslims/non-Malays. As part of a national solidarity effort, PAS has created non-Muslim supporter groups and deepened dialogue with non-Muslims, especially in Kelantan. Although the supporter group was given VIP treatment at the muktamar during the opening, it is small and largely does not reflect the mainstream of the non-Muslim/non-Malay communities. Its significance lies in its symbolism; its existence shows that PAS (or rather parts of PAS) wants to appeal to a broad national agenda rather than just to the narrow Malay heartland. This greater outreach has been accompanied by more openness to dialogue with outsiders and a willingness to engage in frank discussion as the party engages in reform.

Behind the reach across Malaysia’s salient/ethnic religious divide is the recognition that the party has limited appeal among non-Malays/Muslims nationally (in part due to the party’s position on the Islamic state before the 2004 polls and its ideological non-secular platform) and that any increase in national political power requires broader engagement and more openness.

It is this vein that PAS’ re-branding effort has buoyed Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim’s effort to lead the opposition; he is seen to bridge the opposition and reach out further to non-Muslims/non-Malays.

The dominance of pragmatic thinking among PAS’ Young Turks has forged closer ties with PKR and Anwar in particular, who has regularly been featured at PAS' ceramah nationally although always carefully identified as PKR. This role for PAS as ‘partner’ rather than as ‘leader’ in the opposition is tied to the party’s adoption of a different strategy, a strategy geared toward making the party stronger and more nationally attractive to voters.

Conservative putsch

All of these key reforms came under attack during the muktamar from the rank and file of the party. While the deputy presidency contest also involved the issue of personalities and was tied to different regional bases of support and raised concerns about party unity, it was primarily a proxy for serious reservations within PAS about the reform effort.

It illustrated the real divisions over what direction PAS should take in the future. These differences came out clearly in the floor debate and during quiet intense discussions over tea in the bustling stalls in the Putik compound. Ultimately, they were evident in the strong support for Harun, who garnered 40 percent of the votes in a contest against the incumbent Nasharuddin who was seen to personify the reform drive.

The currents of discontent varied in intensity and were inconsistently articulated. Four messages resounded. Disgruntled party delegates voted for Harun to highlight their perception of a displacement of the ulama in leading the party. Some did not like the pragmatic orientation of the re-branding programme, labeling it 'materialist'. They argued that placing the party in ‘professional’ hands was not appropriate for an Islamic party. They attacked the Young Turks for lacking religious legitimacy and for failing to respect elders in the party; to know ‘their place’.

This attack on the character of the reform leadership showcased the structural problem the reformers face, in that they lack the same level of religious legitimacy of their ulama cohorts. Being voted in by representatives is not enough for some PAS delegates who feel that as a religious party, their leadership needs to be consistently ulama-led.

The conservatives supporting Harun also opposed a prominent role for Anwar as the leader of the opposition. They want PAS to lead, not be in partnership in the opposition. Their concerns point to long-standing reservations among some older PAS members about Anwar. These were tied to the split within Abim in the late 1970s and Anwar’s admission into Umno in 1982. More recently, there are those who worry Anwar may rejoin Umno. These differences highlight the difficulty PAS faces being a partner in a national bid for political power.

The concerns about the paramount role of the ulama and position of the party in the opposition paralleled concerns about the scope of the party’s reach. Other dissatisfied delegates felt that the focus of PAS should centre on the Malay heartland, namely Kelantan, Terengganu and perhaps Kedah. They felt that outreach to non-Muslims/non-Malays was unnecessary and, for some, counter-productive. They envision their party as tied to long-standing centres of the rural Malay heartland and oppose the ‘modern’ national image of the reform initiatives.

The contradictory statements of leaders on the rights of non-Muslims to practise their religion and wear their own chosen attire in keeping with their own religious faith illustrated the real difference in outlook of the conservatives within PAS. Conservatives dominated the debate over religion. There were calls for a more encompassing Islamic state with even more applicability of Syariah law in Malaysia.

It was rebuffed by only one delegate calling for a more loosely conceptualised form of Islamic governance that might appeal to non-Muslims and more moderate Muslims. The positions taken by the PAS Youth delegates on the Lina Joy case were illustrative of this more conservative position. Harun supporters seemed to hold to the view that non-Muslims/non-Malays are inconsequential to their view of the party’s future and that moderate Muslims would follow the ulamas’ lead.

A narrow view of the party’s base was extended to women among more conservative delegates. Women were to be seen, but not heard. The re-branding effort to promote women was also seen as too aggressive and for some, inappropriate. Debate, heard most overtly during the women’s session, centred on what role women should play in politics with those opposed to the reforms arguing for a smaller role. Specifically, they called for an end to Nisa on the grounds that it potentially placed young women in danger and advocated less prominence for women in the leadership and as candidates. The reformers within the party strongly disagreed.

Managing schisms

The divide was clear - reform for greater national power or retreat to the conservative home ground. In the Youth and Muslimat elections, the conservative voices gained ground. Many conservatives were elected to the Youth central committee and the professional reform-minded women’s leadership in the Muslimat was unseated. A once confident group of Young Turks faced a serious struggle on Friday, one which they eventually won comfortably by nearly 200 votes but not without the conservative voices sending a clear message. The conservatives scored a victory by effectively getting their message of disgruntlement across.

The divisions in today’s PAS are real. Younger and older delegates joined forces to challenge the 1980/90s Fadzil Nor generation of reform-minded delegates. The party faces the difficult challenge of building bridges across the divided camps. In the short-term this will mean that the party will likely be inward-looking as it attempts to reach consensus on fundamentally different outlooks. The internal focus will potentially weaken the party as it faces the next general election.

Despite the extensive calls for a cleaner national electoral process at the muktamar, the meeting did not present a clear platform for PAS with regards to the next polls. In fact, the conflicting messages painted a picture of confusion rather than direction.

While acknowledging the important fact that the PAS meeting actually debated issues - something strikingly missing from the PKR congress where attention on personalities overwhelmed - this muktamar held before a national election was devoid on clarity as to what the party actually represents and why voters should support it beyond an appeal to religion. Ironically, efforts of the conservatives led by Harun may have more impact in the next general election than they did in the party contest.

If navigating the internal divisions is problematic for the party’s future in national elections, managing the ties across the opposition will be even more difficult. The message of religious intolerance that were heard in the remarks of some PAS leaders makes ties to other opposition parties difficult.

PKR is dependent on non-Muslim support and cannot electorally afford a position of Muslim exclusivity, however defined. The DAP’s distance from PAS will likely only widen further if these views dominate, potentially minimising even dialogue. This is enhanced by the real concerns of narrowing religious freedom in Malaysia. The Young Turks in PAS will have to reach out effectively across the opposition if it wants to maintain its push to be a genuinely national party.

The path ahead will be set by the newly-elected leadership, which maintains a strong position for reformers at the helm. Many of these individuals remain committed to reform and a dynamic transformation of the party. It remains to be seen whether PAS’s current leaders will be able to overcome the obstacles of internal divisions and inter-opposition wrangling.

It wasn’t just the weather that caused discomfort at the muktamar - there remain some sticky obstacles for PAS ahead.

---

DR BRIDGET WELSH is assistant professor in Southeast Asian studies at John Hopkins University-SAIS, Washington DC.

Iraq bridge collapse traps U.S. soldiers

By CHARLES J. HANLEY, AP Special Correspondent

MAHMOUDIYA, Iraq - With a thunderous rumble and cloud of dust and smoke, an apparent suicide vehicle bomb brought down a section of highway bridge south of Baghdad on Sunday, wounding several U.S. soldiers guarding the crossing and blocking traffic on Iraq

Iraq's main north-south artery.

There was no immediate U.S. Army confirmation on the number and severity of the casualties. An Iraqi civilian also was injured, said Donald Campbell, of the private security Armor Group International, who helped in the rescue.

Campbell and others in a passing Armor Group convoy worked with a U.S. Army quick reaction force for some 45 minutes to pull trapped men from the rubble, scrambling over the fallen concrete.

U.S. armored vehicles provided cover fire from their cannons after the bombing, which occurred in the area dubbed the "triangle of death" for its frequent Sunni insurgent attacks.

The blast dropped one of two sections of the "Checkpoint 20" bridge crossing over the north-south expressway, six miles east of Mahmoudiya.

It appeared that a northbound suicide driver stopped and detonated his vehicle beside a support pillar, said Lt. Col. Garry Bush, an Army munitions officer who was in the convoy, which also carried an Associated Press reporter and photographer and arrived two minutes after the blast.

A U.S. Army checkpoint and a tent structure, apparently a rest area, fell into the shattered concrete. The crossing was believed to have been closed to all but military traffic at the time.

Armor Group security guards, all ex-military, and others in the convoy rushed to the ruins. They found a scene of confusion.

"When that size blast went off, everyone was in shock," said one of the first atop the rubble, Jackie Smith, 53, of Olathe, Kan., a former lieutenant colonel now working as a civilian Army munitions expert.

He said he saw what he believed was the engine block of a truck — apparently what remained of the suicide vehicle.

Soon the outpost sergeant in charge was organizing a search for his missing men, Smith said. The Armor Group team climbed up with first-aid kits, stretchers and other aid.

With the Army's quick reaction force, they struggled to lift concrete shards off the men, pinned along the slope of what was once a roadway. At one point, a Bradley armored vehicle with a tow chain pulled a slab off a pinned victim to free him.

Then a shout went up, "Morphine! Morphine!" and one of the black T-shirt-clad Britons administered painkiller to the freed man.

"Another poor fellow looked crushed beneath a concrete slab," said Armor Groups Donald Campbell, 40, of Inverness, Scotland.

During the rescue, U.S. armored vehicles opened up with suppressing fire, possibly having spotted movement in the surrounding countryside, flat and baking in 100-degree-plus temperatures.

Traffic was delayed for over an hour until a medevac helicopter landed to take aboard the wounded, and traffic slowly resumed under the remaining section of the span.

Iraqi police said the overpass was a vital link across the highway for villagers in the area because the other spans have been taken over by U.S. forces. A police officer in nearby Iskandariyah, speaking on condition of anonymity because of security concerns, said a curfew had been imposed on vehicles and pedestrians after the attack and earlier bombings of a mosque and a Sunni political party's headquarters that caused some damage but no casualties.

In Baghdad, Maj. Gen. Rick Lynch, whose forces control the area of the bombing, spoke at length about U.S. efforts to draw Sunnis into the security forces.

"There are tribal sheiks out there who say 'Hey, just allow me to be the local security force. I don't care what you call me. ... You can call me whatever you want. Just give me the right training and equipment and I'll secure my area.' And that's the direction we're moving out there," the Third Infantry Division commander said.

In a meeting with reporters, Lynch said contacts with the Sunnis, who make up the bulk of the insurgency, were a matter of pragmatism.

"They say: 'We hate you because you are an occupier, but we hate al-Qaida worse and we hate the Persians (Iranians) even worse' ... you can't ignore that whole population," Lynch said.

His division, he said, had lost 43 soldiers since the beginning of the U.S. troop surge on Feb. 14.

Also Sunday, a suicide truck bomber struck an Iraqi police office in Tikrit, killing at least 15 people and wounding 50, police said.

The explosion destroyed a building housing the highway police directorate in the Albu Ajil village on the eastern outskirts of ousted leader

Saddam Hussein

Saddam Hussein's hometown, a police officer said, speaking on condition of anonymity because of security concerns. Tikrit is 80 miles north of Baghdad.

The attacker detonated his payload after smashing into a blast wall, flattening a small reception building and damaging the main two-story building 20 yards away, the officer said, adding that most of those killed and wounded were police.

And a U.S. helicopter dropped flares on a crowd in a square in eastern Baghdad, hours after clashes between American troops and Shiite militia that left at least five people dead. The military said the flares were fired automatically by the Apache helicopter's defense system — not the crew.

Fighting broke out in the predominantly Shiite Fidhiliyah area on the Baghdad's outskirts late Friday after a U.S. military convoy came under attack outside the local offices of Muqtada al-Sadr, the anti-American cleric whose Mahdi Army militia has recently stepped up attacks on American troops.

Spokesman Lt. Col. Christopher Garver said no Americans were killed or wounded, but he did not have immediate information on Iraqi casualties.

Sheikh Mohammed al-Hilfi, an al-Sadr representative from the office, said the clashes broke out after a raid on the office, which doubles as a mosque. The military did not confirm the raid.

He said seven people were killed and 21 wounded, while local police officials put the casualty figure at five killed and 19 wounded. The officials said those killed were Iraqis and included bystanders caught in the crossfire, while 16 other men were detained.

Hundreds of men chanted as they carried the wooden coffins draped in Iraqi flags of four people reportedly killed in the violence.

Associated Press Television video shot early Sunday showed a low-flying Apache helicopter firing flares as several hundred people, including teenagers and children, gathered around a destroyed U.S. Humvee.

The U.S. military on Sunday reported the deaths of three American troops. Among them were a U.S. airman killed in a roadside bombing in southern Iraq; and two soldiers — one killed in Baghdad and another who died of injuries in Diyala Province.

The deaths raised to at least 3,506 members of the U.S. military who have died since the Iraq war started in March 2003, according to an Associated Press count.

Isu kedudukan Islam perkara utama manifesto Umno Kelantan

09-06-2007 09:30:59 PM

BACHOK: Umno Kelantan menyediakan tujuh perkara utama dalam manifestonya bagi pilihan raya umum akan datang untuk membawa perubahan di Kelantan di bawah tajuk "Manhaj Islam Hadhari".

Pengerusi Badan Perhubungan Umno Kelantan Datuk Seri Annuar Musa berkata tujuh perkara itu yang disebutnya sebagai paksi adalah bagi menggantikan konsep Membangun Bersama Islam yang dibawa oleh PAS.

"Inilah pendekatan kami dan janji kami kepada rakyat Kelantan selepas mengambil kira semua pandangan masyarakat dalam menentukan masa depan Kelantan yang lebih baik," katanya kepada pemberita selepas merasmikan dan menyampaikan ucaptama pada Konvensyen Wanita Umno Kelantan di sini hari ini.

Beliau berkata paksi pertama ialah menempatkan Islam paling hadapan dalam segala perkara.

"Kadi, mufti dan ulama diberi kedudukan yang mulia di sisi masyarakat bukannya sebagaimana sekarang kadi dan mufti sebagai pelengkap majlis sahaja," katanya.

Beliau berkata paksi kedua ialah menghapuskan kemunduran dengan mensasarkan "miskin sifar" bagi mengubah corak hidup masyarakat yang kini dianggap terpinggir berbanding negeri lain terutama dari segi pembangunan.

"Paksi ketiga, merakyatkan pembangunan, dengan menitikberatkan hasil yang dikeluarkan dalam negeri seperti hasil balak untuk dimanfaatkan rakyat sebagai pembayar cukai," katanya.

Annuar berkata perkara keempat manifesto itu ialah ialah menggilap modal insan agar rakyat tidak terus bergantung dengan pekerjaan di negeri lain di samping mengurangkan pengangguran dalam kalangan belia.

Beliau berkata paksi kelima ialah menghapus kemiskinan dalam kalangan kira-kira 21,000 keluarga miskin.

Yang keenam, katanya, mempelbagaikan sumber pendapatan negeri bagi mengurangkan penggantungan terhadap hasil hutan terutama balak dan sumbangan kerajaan persekutuan sebanyak 50 peratus dari hasil kerajaan negeri.

Paksi ketujuh, katanya, memperkayakan seni budaya dan warisan dengan memberi peluang kepada pengiat seni terus hidup di negeri ini. BERNAMA

Q&A: PAS not only about ‘hell and heaven’

Beh Lih Yi Jun 8, 07 4:00pm

In this first part of the 60-minute interview with malaysiakini, PAS deputy president Nasharudin Mat Isa tells malaysiakini on his immediate plans after retaining the post and defend criticisms that were directed at the reforms introduced by young turks in the party. Malaysiakini: What are your immediate plans for the second term of your deputy presidency? Any difference from what your team (the young turks) had done over the past two years? Nasharudin: What we are planing to do is to continue with what we have already planned since the last term. We will continue with the programmes that I have been promoting - that is engaging and repackaging of the party. Coming into the second term now, we will be more aggressive on that because there are a lot of sectors and segments that we have yet to breach. The main agenda now will be the next general election. You can judge from the PAS muktamar that most of the debates were focused on strengthening the party for the next general election. This is what we are going to do. The next priority is to meet with PKR (PAS’ opposition ally in the Barisan Alternatif) leaders on matters related to seat negotiation, focusing in areas where we are going to contest and selecting the best candidates for the seats. How are you going to be more aggressive and where are the areas you have yet to breach? We should really work on the ground now. Many plans have been there since I won in 2005 (party election) which have not been implemented yet. We are going to expedite the implementation. Areas like support from non-Muslims is not really up to our expectation; the development of PAS supporters’ club is not to the target that we expected, this will be enhanced more; reaching out to that (non-Muslims) community and programmes which are related to the young voters, (this will be carried out) especially by using our wings such as the Youth and the Nisa (young women wing). Do you foresee any problem in terms of getting more aggressive for PAS to introduce these plans? There were delegates during the muktamar who have voiced concerns and preferred to go back to what PAS was. Judging from close to 40 percent votes received by (Nasharudin’s challenger and ulama figure) Harun Taib, the conservative element in the party is still quite significant. That is part of the strategy. The first two years, we were still at the period of confirming the support we received from delegates in 2005. We just threw in the ideas that these are the things that we want to do to repackage the party, to get the party to engage with the untapped market out there. That was what we have been doing over the past two years. For instance, this office (the new PAS headquarters), we bring it out, easier to the people in Kuala Lumpur. Many programmes have been established. Now we have been given the second mandate, this is where the activities are going to be more action-oriented for the second term. That is what I meant by aggressive. How do you want to engage the group in the party which is unhappy with what the young turks are doing? From the percentage of votes that I received which is almost 60 percent, it showed that people want changes. People want things to happen and move. We are going to make use of the second mandate given by party members to really move and get the ball rolling. Would you have won if not for the intense speculation about an early general election? Yes! I came in (to the contest) with confidence because I was told the nominations received by Ustaz Harun was less than mine. That tells, that shows the support for me personally and the group of so-called young turks have been received well at the grassroots. How many nominations more than Harun did you receive? Not sure (but) I was told it is quite a significant number. The conservatives posed a strong challenge this time. Yes. First time when I contested (the deputy presidency) in 2005, it was against two big names, Ustaz Hassan Shukri (then incumbent) and Abdul Halim (Abdul Rahman), I received about 60 percent of votes (then), that was what I was told. The challenge of Ustaz Harun this time (shows) the same group have been consistently voting for either the conservatives or me. We have a culture in PAS. There might be differences prior to the party election but once the election is over, we start to close rank and prepare for the next general election and this was the concentration in my closing remarks during the muktamar. I received SMSes, hundreds and hundreds of them, who said they supported me and some even openly told me: “We voted Ustaz Harun but since now you have been given the mandate by the huge amount of delegates. We will stand firm behind you and work together for the party”. You don’t see there will be any kind of division after the party polls? No. There might be differences in the feelings towards Harun and myself, which is quite normal. This is a big organisation, I don’t expect everybody to agree with me, but that portion of those who didn’t vote for me, for the sake of the party, they come and we work together. In the run-up to the election for the No 2 post, was there any attempt to go through the musyawarah (consultation) process between you and Harun to come up with a consensus on who should contest for the post? It was open. In the meeting prior to the election and muktamar, the president stated in the CWC (central working committee) meeting that the (party’s) constitution says it is open for party members to contest. We don’t see any problem in it. The tension that was created was being played up more by outsiders than party insiders. So there wasn’t any kind of consultation that was carried out? No. This (contest) is not something new, it didn’t happen this year (only). It has been stated in the party’s constitution since day one and it has been the process of the party. The only difference this year is that with all the technologies we have - Internet, SMS, bloggers - it seems to be heated up a little bit, that’s about it. Some say the challenge this time shows the conservatives are not happy with the way the party was run in the last two years and that they are sending a signal that ‘we are watching you’ even though they know the young turks might win in the end. Would you agree with this observation? I like to be watched and we want to be watched because being human, nobody is perfect. This kind of wake-up call is good because at least we know that we are being checked and watched. There might be things which we may be doing a little bit too fast or too slow, so they are going to make sure the speed is right for the second term. Now we are trying to adjust the speed, not going too fast... Were you going too fast? At the early stage, yes. When I started the process of repackaging, I was with the media and magazine, somebody warned me not to go too fast, so I slowed down. So what we did was just do things at the normal pace of PAS. But I think the speed should change for the next term. I really want to speed up a little bit because everyone is talking about the general election. We really have to speed up in a very short period of time, we are talking about six, seven months of preparation? We really need to go (fast). In the past two years, we could see the young turks have introduced and set up (online video portals) Kelantan TV, PAS TV and the new headquarters. Can you elaborate on what you consider as the successes for your team? The media has always been very high on our agenda. We know we have very limited access to the public and we realise that the traditional ceramah (political talk) that we have been organising for years is one way to communicate with the people but again, not a very effective way because the market is very limited. Sometimes it is just our very own PAS members or supporters. By having the media with us - where Kelantan TV, PAS TV, Damai TV and long list coming - as well as bloggers, this is the new market that we are tapping. It is part of the engagement. I received a lot of congratulatory messages (after the re-election) from Chinese, Indian friends - some I have never knew before. This is the kind of market that we really want to go in. My motto is simple, I want to promote an image of PAS for all. PAS is not only for the Malays, Muslims, Terengganu, Kelantan or the Kedah folks, but it is for all Malays, Chinese and Indians. This is why the PAS supporters club that we established a few years ago is having a lot of support now. We have also launched Indian PAS supporters clubs in Kelantan and Perak and we are opening the market into new states after this. Given the list of successes you have mentioned, how would you grade yourself on your leadership? Between A to Z? (Laughs) Between A to F I think I will get myself a position somewhere to the middle. (C? C plus?) Give me a C plus, I am not saying that we have done a lot or have not done anything, we are still working on it and two years is a quite a short period to put a stamp on an organisation, individual or mood of change. I would agree with one suggestion from a delegate, which was supported by Husam (Musa, party vice-president), that we should make a term (for party officer bearers) from two to three years because only after three years then we can really start develop and enhance the strategy and planning that we have. You had expected the Prime Minister (Abdullah Ahmad Badawi) to bring about reforms in two years time when he took over the premiership. Yes. But you are saying two years is not enough now. Yes, two years is not enough (for us in PAS). We got to consider the fragility within the party because very much this is still a traditional (party), a huge amount of members are Kelantan, Terengganu-based and everybody know how the Malay cultures are. Yes, you want to change but you also have to look at the fragility of the members, their level of thinking. As the late (former PAS president) Fadzil Noor mentioned, we are a mass movement, harakah ummah. We got the best brains in the party, corporate figures and (individuals) from all levels of educational background with exposures, which we have to entertain. We can’t just do changes that only fit a certain section of members. This is where that two years is not enough and not much have been done. Would you propose to amend the office bearers’ term from two to three years? It was just suggested in the muktamar last week - maybe at the next one. How would these new approaches that your team introduced be translate into electoral gains? After all, there is argument that the new approaches only cater for the more urban voters or non-Muslims but PAS’ traditional strong base has always been the rural areas. Like some of your supporters, they don’t even have internet access to view PAS TV. The market is big, we just can’t concentrate on one portion of society. What we are trying to do is targeting different portions and segments of society. Yes, for the kampung folks, the ceramah and our religious programmes in the mosque and surau are sill very effective and ongoing, but for the other segments, there is the need to be tapped and offered (with) PAS programmes. The huge variety of this market - this is where we come in with PAS TV, Harakahdaily for those who have Internet access. It diversifies the whole programme and covers the whole sector. The question remains whether at the end of the day are they going to vote for PAS or otherwise even though they may know what PAS is right now with these new approaches? Now is the period of time we offer to Malaysians that this is what PAS is going to offer to the Malaysian community no matter what race you are. (It is) going to be a kind of shifting the public perception of what PAS is all about - not just a political party talking about hell and heaven, but also talking about development of the country, its sovereignty, our rights, economy etc. The new voters you are trying to capture are unlikely to vote for PAS due to your Islamic state document. The process of demonising Islam is ongoing, not just (against) PAS, it is an international agenda which we can’t get away from. That is why the programme of engaging and repackaging is important. We have succeeded in a way in countering the negative image against PAS being Taliban, being extremist etc. People realise PAS is beginning and talking about the language of the day. Now is more on offering things that are within our reach - that is what our next election manifesto is going to talk about. What are your plans for the next general election? It is not my personal plan, it’s the party’s decision. We have already planned for the coming weeks, we will start discussing with PKR about seat allocation and the choice of candidates. I was made to understand from our election director (Mustafa Ali) that names have started coming in from divisions on interested candidates. What about you yourself? I am not sure yet. You will re-contest in the parliamentary constituencies of Besut (in Terengganu) or go back to Yan (in Kedah)? I am not sure yet because we are still re-mapping the process (laughs). The last two years you have put more focus on party duty than building grassroots support in the constituency. (Pause) because we want to strengthen the party. I still visit those two areas - Yan (the one that I won in 1999) and Besut (the one I lost in 2004). In fact, I was in Yan yesterday. I still go down to attend programmes. Where I will contest, I leave it to the party to decide. But we presume the party will give you more or less a safe seat since you are the party No 2 now? Oh, thank you (laughs). The party will decide shortly. According to Mustafa, there are only five states that the PAS election machineries are 70 percent ready for the general election whereas the machinery are not ready in other states. The concentration of the work and the preparation are very heavy in Kelantan and Terengganu, it is really bubbling up there. You also got to be realistic on that, when we focus on things, that’s where the concentration is. I think that is what he meant. It was not to mean that those states whose preparations are below 60 percent, they are not doing anything. It’s just that they are not up to that level of preparation yet, they are doing something. How do you see the chances of PAS keeping Kelantan and regaining Terengganu? Keeping Kelantan, insyallah (God willing), we are going to retain Kelantan if only there are no electoral foul play, especially the Election Commission. We are quite worried about the manipulation of the electoral roll and the conduct of election. The support for PAS is still strong among the people in Kelantan. As far as Terengganu is concerned, the dissatisfaction among the Terengganu folks are also quite obvious, Umno’s ‘feel good’ factor is not really to the standard that they could be proud of. You do realise that the party’s performance in the next general election will be a yardstick for party members to decide whether to give the young turks another mandate? The party had experienced many electoral defeats and victories. After losing or winning the elections, the leadership of the party still remains - so that is not the only yardstick. Yes, it will be talked about and discussed, but I don’t think it is going to be the yardstick for the success or failure of the leadership. What about working with DAP? As of now, we are only working with PKR, so I know nothing about DAP.

Young turks get ‘aggressive’ on reforms

Beh Lih Yi Jun 8, 07 3:13pm

PAS’ young will go on a more aggressive campaign toturks reform the party with the second mandate given to them despite murmurs of discontent over such a move. “Coming into the second term now, we will be more aggressive on that (the engagement and repackaging approaches) because there are a lot of sectors and segments that we have yet to breach,” PAS deputy president Nasharudin Mat Isa told malaysiakini in an interview. This will include speeding up programmes to garner support from non-Muslims through initiative like PAS’ supporters club - an attempt by PAS to reach out to a larger group of supporters after its dismal showing in the last general election in 2004. Seen as a symbol representing the young turks in PAS, 44-year-old Nasharudin together with several others in his group were re-elected to their key posts at the party’s election which concluded last Sunday in Kelantan. The young turks’ victory came after they fended off a strong challenge from the conservative ulama (religious scholars) led by Nasharudin’s challenger, PAS’ second most senior ulama leader Harun Taib. The challenge from the ulama in this party election came amidst voices of discontent among the conservatives over the pace and direction by the young turks who swept into power in the 2005 party election. For instance, one of the criticisms was directed at where the malaysiakini’s 60-minute interview with Nasharudin was conducted on Wednesday - the party’s new headquarters located in the heart of Kuala Lumpur which reportedly cost RM8 million. Conservatives opined the cost was too exorbitant but the young turks thought it was essential to “bring out” the party headquarters from the Malay-majority outskirt in Gombak closer to the masses. Conceding he was “going too fast” in introducing changes when he first took over the post, Nasharudin however vowed there will be no let-up on such efforts despite the murmurs of discontent within the party. “From the percentage of votes that I received which is almost 60 percent, it showed that people want changes. People want things to happen and move. We are going to make use of the second mandate given by party members to really move and get the ball rolling,” he said. “I really want to speed up a little bit because everyone is saying that the general election is around the corner,” he explained, adding that he believed everyone in the party will close ranks to face the elections. ‘The market is big' The PAS deputy president is also confident that the new approaches will not turn out to be futile but will instead translate into electoral gains for the Islamic party - which a lot of non-Muslim voters have shunned due to its intention to set up an Islamic state if it comes to power. “The market is big, we just can’t concentrate on one portion of society,” the former law lecturer said in defending why the new approaches did not target its traditional strongholds in the rural Malay areas. He noted that traditional methods like organising ceramah (political talk) in rural villages will continue while new methods - such as the setting up of the party’s own online video portal PAS TV - will also be carried out. On analysts’ view that the victory of young turks in last week’s party election was due to the possibility of an early general election, Nasharudin disagreed. “I came in (to the contest) with confidence because I was told the nominations received by Ustaz Harun was less than mine, that tells,” said the PAS politician, who was reluctant to comment on the closely-watched contest earlier due to the ‘no-campaigning’ culture in the party. However, Nasharudin was tightlipped on his personal plan in the next general election. “It’s not my personal plan, it’s the party’s decision,” he said. But he conceded that he has been visiting his two previously contested parliamentary constituencies - Yan in Kedah and Besut in Terengganu. Nasharudin won in Yan in 1999 but lost in Besut in the last general election.

Nasharudin: I'm very much an Islamist

Beh Lih Yi Jun 9, 07 4:29pm

PAS’ young turks have not shied away from issues on Islam amidst its increasing attempts to gain electoral support from non-Muslims, newly re-elected deputy president Nasharudin Mat Isa said. “I am still very much an Islamist,” Nasharudin, who lead the group of young turks, said in a 60-minute interview with malaysiakini at the PAS headquarters in Kuala Lumpur on Wednesday. Since the 2004 general election in which PAS suffered a severe setback, the Islamic opposition party has introduced a series of changes under its ‘engaging and repackaging’ approach by the young turks who swept into power at the party polls two years ago. This includes giving priority to programmes of reaching out to the non-Muslim community and re-branding the party's image, which was dominated by hardliners at one time. However, this has led to concerns among some conservative PAS supporters who criticised the young turks of not being vocal enough on the party’s pet issue, Islam, especially with a series of heated public debates over apostasy and religious freedom since last year. Nasharudin, a 44-year-old former law lecturer, disagreed: “As far as matters related to the Islamic faith, beliefs and teaching of Islam are concerned, we have a very clear stand.” “It shouldn’t be treated in such a way (as) freedom of religion, expression, rights to profess religion and so on. Matters related to Islam and syariah (Islamic law) shouldn’t be disturbed in a way that tension is going to develop in the country,” he said. Conversion, apostasy But the young turks are obviously caught in a dilemma on how to draw a balance between being vocal on religion and political survival. Taking an example, Nasharudin said its election manifesto for the forthcoming general election will not stress on the Islamic state, which it has vowed to establish if it comes into power and a major reason why many non-Muslims are not supportive of the party. “As far as the Islamic state issue is concerned, everybody realise that the ‘what’ part of that Islamic state document is no longer being discussed. We are now concentrating on the ‘how’, the content, the substance of it,” the deputy president explained. Even Nasharudin himself - who donned a modern attire most of the time as opposed to those who wear the jubah (long robe)- could not escape from such a dilemma as he revealed there “has been talks within the party on the way I dress”. “I said the Quranic teaching is that in Islam you should cover your aurat (body parts not allowed to be exposed under Islam), and there is no single verse in the Quran which says how you should dress,” he noted. Meanwhile, on issues of conversion and apostasy, he reiterated that there is no compulsion in Islam to force a person to accept the faith but once the person converted, they will be subject to the rules and regulations in Islam including the law of conversion. Similarly, Nasharudin said pressures should not be asserted upon a Muslim, who after having gone through the process of rehabilitation but still refuses to renounce a new religion to accept Islam. “If you have already given the opportunity to him or her to repent, and he or she still cannot accept, doesn’t want to change, the discussion among the scholars is that if he really doesn’t want to come back to the religion, to me, you cannot force, you shouldn’t force, whether the law should be applied to him or her,” he pointed out. To a suggestion whether the process of conversion should be made stricter - such as making it necessary for family members to become witness in order to help prevent religious disputes, Nasharudin said it would be “quite technical to answer” and cannot be done easily. “Most of the cases where conversion are kept secret is the fear of threats, sometime coming even from within the family circle. So, they just keep the matter to themselves. It is when nature takes its course, then problems arise. It is a sad thing,” he said.

Investors Confidence In Malaysia Gaining Strength, Says Najib

June 08, 2007 21:38 PM

PASIR PUTEH, June 8 (Bernama) -- Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak said the increasingly encouraging reports on the country's economy of late proved that investors' confidence in the country's administration, led by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, was gaining strength.

Najib said the review of international merchant banker, Merrill Lynch, which described Malaysia's economy as expanding was based on current market forces.

"The assessment (Merill Lynch) was made based on market forces. The last few days, we have seen that market sentiments on Malaysia in terms of its share market, ringgit value, and as a investment destination, are clearly showing a rising level in confidence.

"It cannot be denied that these analysis are based upon market forces, clearly supporting the statement of Merill Lynch," he told reporters here today.

Najib who is on a one-day visit to Kelantan, earlier closed the "Program Gandingan Gemilang Titian Kasih" organised by the Information Ministry's Special Affairs Unit, here today.

An analyst with the merchant bank said that Malaysia's economy is currently on a long-term structural upturn, which not only brightens up prospects for economic growth in the coming years but also supports asset prices.

It said the Malaysian economy, appeared to be reaching full stride and this development has raised "our optimism over the country's medium-term growth prospects."

"We have therefore lifted our forecasts for gross domestic product growth to 5.7 percent for 2007 and 6.3 percent for 2008 (previously 5.2 percent and 5.8 percent respectively)."

Merrill Lynch said Bursa Malaysia has rebounded with the local stock market being one of the best performers in the region this year.

International investor interest in the country has also been revived, following the recent implementation of a string of economic reforms, it added.

-- BERNAMA

Umno Veterans Capable Of Helping BN Recapture Kelantan, Says Najib

KOTA BAHARU, June 8 (Bernama) -- Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak today expressed confidence on the capability of Umno veterans in helping Barisan Nasional (BN) recapture Kelantan from PAS in the coming general election.

The deputy prime minister said Umno veterans could play an important role to disseminate ideas and inject a new spirit for party members to work hard to ensure a BN victory.

"They've a role to play because by working together, it'll make BN stronger and this will ensure a win in Kelantan," he said at a function attended by Umno veterans and non-governmental organisations here today.

Najib, who is Umno deputy president, said the party had always appreciated the role of the veterans in realising the leaders' aspiration to turn Malaysia into a developed country.

"This is what we want, to make Kelantan a developed state like other states. It's for this reason that all should work together," he added.

He hoped that party members would enhance solidarity and have a strong determination to ensure a successful outing for the ruling coalition.

Najib also said the Kelantan government under PAS was now shaky and there were bright prospects for BN to wrest control of the state from the opposition party.

Meanwhile, Kelantan Umno Liaison chairman Datuk Seri Annuar Musa said the party was making its final preparation for the upcoming general election and had outlined various strategies to ensure PAS' defeat.

"Umno wants the Kelantan people to be in a comfortable situation and no longer left out," he added.

Najib also launched a book, entitled "Melakar Sejarah, Menentu Arah", authored by Utusan Malaysia journalist Wan Ramli Wan Muhamad. The book is on the struggle of Umno leaders in Kelantan.

-- BERNAMA

Krisis etnik jika ketegangan di selatan Thai berpanjangan

KOTA BHARU 5 Jun – Pergolakan di selatan Thailand dikhuatiri bertukar menjadi krisis etnik sekiranya kerajaan negara jiran itu tidak mengambil langkah drastik dan berani mengurangkan ketegangan yang semakin memuncak.

Ini kerana demonstrasi kumpulan pelajar dan penduduk tempatan yang menuntut pengunduran segera tentera dari selatan Thailand dan mahu penarikan balik perintah darurat merupakan isyarat kepada kemungkinan berlakunya kebangkitan gelombang kedua yang lebih berbahaya.

Seorang penganalisis keselamatan, Muhammad Fuad Mat Nor berkata, kehadiran tentera dibimbangi meningkatkan lagi insiden pengeboman dan serangan bersenjata di wilayah berkenaan.

“Kehadiran anggota tentera menarik perhatian pihak militan untuk melancarkan serangan, jadi apa yang dibimbangi masyarakat ialah kemungkinan tempat-tempat awam yang dikunjungi tentera turut menjadi sasaran.

“Perintah darurat turut menyekat kebebasan masyarakat tempatan untuk ke ladang dan bekerja sehingga hilang mata pencarian selain berada dalam keadaan tidak selamat,” ujarnya ketika dihubungi Utusan Malaysia di sini hari ini.

Muhammad Fuad yang juga Ketua Pengarang majalah Tempur memberitahu, kecenderungan pihak militan melancarkan serangan ke atas sasaran tentera yang dikenal pasti menunjukkan operasi penentangan dilaksanakan secara terancang.

Dua hari lalu, sebanyak 12 tentera Thailand terbunuh dalam serangan hendap pihak militan di Yala yang disifatkan sebagai terburuk di selatan negara itu sejak 2004, manakala empat anggota polis yang bertugas mengawal kawasan sekolah daripada ancaman serangan militan juga ditembak mati oleh pihak tidak dikenali dalam dua kejadian berasingan di Pattani dan Narathiwat.

Bagaimanapun, sumber di bandar Yala semalam memberitahu, keadaan tidak banyak berubah dan aktiviti ekonomi masih berjalan seperti biasa cuma anggota tentera didapati berkawal di beberapa lokasi penting di wilayah berkenaan.

Sementara itu, Panglima 8 Briged, Kem Pengkalan Chepa, Brigedier Jeneral Datuk Shaharudin Abu Bakar memberitahu, keadaan kawalan di perbatasan Kelantan - Thailand berjalan seperti biasa dan setakat ini, tidak ada sebarang kejadian yang tidak diingini.

“Anggota tentera berkawal seperti biasa sahaja kerana pergolakan di Thailand adalah isu dalaman negara itu dan tiada kaitan dengan soal keselamatan di sempadan negara setakat ini,” ujarnya.