Saturday, June 21, 2008

Mahathir: Tindakan SAPP tidak boleh gugat Abdullah

20-06-2008 07:34:10 AM
Oleh ARIFFUDDIN ISHAK

KUALA LUMPUR: Tindakan Parti Maju Sabah (SAPP) yang menyatakan pendirian hilang kepercayaan terhadap Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi tidak mungkin berjaya menggugat kedudukan beliau sebagai Perdana Menteri.

Bekas Perdana Menteri, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad berkata, suara SAPP sahaja tidak cukup untuk menjatuhkan Abdullah.

“Mereka (SAPP) tak mungkin berjaya, jumlah mereka kecil sangat. Buat undi tak percaya pun tak akan bagi apa-apa kesan kepada beliau (Abdullah),” katanya selepas menghadiri Majlis Sambutan Ulang Tahun Ke-100 Kolej Sultan Abdul Hamid di sini hari ini.

Dr. Mahathir berkata, Abdullah hanya boleh digulingkan jika lebih 35 Ahli Parlimen Barisan Nasional (BN) menyatakan pendirian tidak percaya terhadap kepimpinan beliau.

Katanya lagi, dalam situasi sekarang barisan pembangkang juga tidak mahu Abdullah digantikan dengan mana-mana pemimpin Umno yang lain.

“Macam Karpal Singh, beliau tak mahu Abdullah letak jawatan kalau hendak digantikan dengan orang Umno juga. Tapi kalau bagi pada dia, dia setujulah,” katanya lagi.

Ditanya mengenai imej Abdullah yang tercalar dengan tindakan SAPP kerana perkara seumpama ini pertama kali terjadi terhadap seorang Perdana Menteri, beliau berkata, imej Abdullah memang sudah tercalar.

“Tak jadi apa-apa, beliau tak akan peduli semua itu. Selama ini pun memang imej beliau dan tercalar,” katanya.

Dr. Mahathir menambah, sebenarnya terdapat ramai lagi anggota BN lain yang sudah tidak yakin dengan Abdullah.

“Buktinya sudah dua orang ahli Gerakan yang tinggalkan parti itu kerana menyertai pembangkang.

“Saya percara parti komponen lain dalam BN termasuk Umno juga mempunyai pendapat yang sama (tidak percaya), cuma mereka tidak berani suarakannya,” katanya.

RM3b study loans for undergrads

2008/06/22
By : Chuah Bee Kim


JOHOR BARU: The Higher Education Ministry will give out study loans totalling RM3 billion to students pursuing higher education at local universities this year.

Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin, said there were some 180,000 students pursuing diploma and degree programmes. The new intake for degree programmes was about 40,000 this year.

He said the allocation was higher than last year when the ministry gave out loans totalling RM2.8 billion.

Khaled, who said this at the opening of the "My Career and Education Fair 2008", urged companies to offer internship programmes and universities to have career guidance programmes to ensure secure employment for graduates.

"About 65 per cent of graduates from local universities have found jobs within six months of their graduation. We hope to raise this to more than 80 per cent.
"It is hoped that 50 per cent of those aged between 17 and 23 in the country have tertiary education."

The two-day fair, organised by People Source (M) Sdn Bhd and My Events Sdn Bhd, has 61 booths, including Jobstreet Malaysia, PLUS Expressways Berhad, UEM Land Sdn Bhd and International Islamic University Malaysia.

Mohd Hairizan Rahami, 23, was among the visitors who turned up on the first day of the fair. Mohd Hairizan, who graduated with a certificate in mechanical engineering in 2005, said he had come to the fair to see if he could find a higher-paying job.

Fresh graduate Saiful Anuar Radzuan, 21, also visited the fair hoping to get a job. Equipped with a degree in marine science, Saiful said it was difficult to find a job where he could make use of his knowledge.

"I hope I can find something at the fair," he said.

Lee: Review National Service programme

NST Online » Local News
2008/06/22

BERNAMA

Tan Sri Lee Lam Thye says NS is a good programme for youth

KUALA LUMPUR: Tan Sri Lee Lam Thye, who will retire as National Service (NS) Training Council chairman after his three-year term ends today, has called for a thorough review of the programme.

In a statement yesterday, he said the review was necessary after five years and it should cover all aspects, including training modules, training quality, health and hygiene, food quality and camp management.

Lee said he brought up the matter to the council and NS Training Department at a meeting on June 3.

"I proposed that the review be conducted without fear and favour involving the Defence Ministry, NS Training Department, Health Department and also stakeholders such as non-governmental organisations, the private sector, former trainees, parents and other experts interested in offering their views.

"The council accepted my proposal. It will be implemented by the director-general (Datuk Abdul Hadi Awang Kechil) during the NS training break between September and December."
Lee said he had decided not to seek reappointment as NS Training Council chairman and Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak had accepted it.

"I do not want my service to be extended because I feel I have done my fair share for NS.

"After five years of service to the NS training programme, I feel that the time has come to vacate my position.

"I leave it to the minister to find a successor who can provide sterling leadership to the council and bring the programme to greater heights."

He became a member of the NS training council when the programme began in 2004.

He said his retirement from the chairmanship of the council came with a sense of fulfilment knowing that he had done his best without any conflict of interest and had acted according to his conscience.

"As I leave, I still maintain that the NS training is a good programme for our youths in terms of character building, confidence, discipline, voluntarism and inter-racial understanding.

"This has been testified by the vast majority of the more than 300,000 trainees who have attended the programme."

Lee said the NS Training Department required a more caring approach and attitude, strong camp management as well as commitment from all those involved to ensure success in the future.

"Hopefully, the programme would improve after the proposed review with more inputs from the various stakeholders." - Bernama

Deva Ridzam: Free trade agreement won't affect Malaysia's sovereignty

NST Online » Columns
2008/06/15

By : Deva Ridzam

WITH a high risk of failure of the Doha Round of World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations and the bilateral Malaysia-US Free Trade Agreement (MUSFTA) talks with the US in a cul-de-sac, where does this leave Malaysia's trade policy?

Significant progress was made at the seventh round of bilateral negotiations with the US in Kuala Lumpur in January. The talks achieved improvements on tariff lines, services, intellectual property rights and telecommunications.

Despite this, things do not seem to be looking up for both sides. In the US, the political mood for bilateral FTAs in general has dampened. The Colombian and other FTAs, which have been completed, are in trouble, as the US Congress doesn't want to vote on them. Even the South Korean FTA deal faces an uncertain future.

Under these circumstances, it would be difficult to convince any country to continue FTA talks with the US if agreements are to be held up in Congress.

In Malaysia, International Trade and Industry Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin was spot on when he stated that Malaysia should progress slowly regarding Musfta.
He was also correct to insist that labour and environment issues be addressed at other forums. However, what is most intriguing is that Muhyiddin also said: "We have the mandate from cabinet, which covers national sovereignty as among the critical areas to Malaysia and one we cannot compromise on."

That is a rather distinctive ministry definition of sovereignty, to say the least. Worries about loss of sovereignty in a FTA, be it with the US or any other country, are based on a fallacy.

This is because sovereignty is all about a country's ability to rule itself. Sovereignty is indeed the legal condition necessary for the inclusion of particular lands and waters within the boundaries of a country.

It gives a country the right to exercise the functions of a state, to the exclusion of any other state. The only significant sovereignty issues facing Malaysia are territorial disputes with our neighbours.

Negotiations with third countries on FTAs, including Musfta, do not mean Malaysia giving up its capacity to decide by itself, and in its own way, whatever is required in the national interest. FTAs involve no abrogation of national sovereignty.

Countries concerned will first have to be satisfied with the conditions and safeguards, including ensuring that the agreement to be signed is consistent with the provisions of the WTO.

Also, Malaysia, like any other country, will only sign on when it gets as much out of such agreements as it is required to give up. Even the concern over government procurement is not insurmountable.

Arrangements could be found to establish various threshold levels.

Let us not forget, too, that FTAs involve neither more nor less loss of sovereignty than when Malaysia joined the United Nations or the WTO and, for that matter, the Asean Free Trade Agreement.

In a nutshell, an FTA with the US would not in itself make Malaysia any less sovereign, as was the case for countries previously joining the North American Free Trade Agreement or the European Union.

Indeed, FTAs have generally been proven to make countries more competitive and prosperous.

When Malaysia and the US in 2003 announced that they would begin negotiations, the stated goals for the proposed FTA were to remove tariff and non-tariff trade barriers, and expand bilateral trade.

Since then, what both countries have indeed been seeking is a comprehensive free trade arrangement with safeguards and flexibility factored in that would be to the mutual benefit of both.

Cooperation in an increasingly interdependent world is not surrender. To freely enter into and conclude a FTA is no different than to becoming a party to any international agreement simply because they themselves are exercises of sovereignty. After all, the Malaysian economy may be “resilient” today, but it may not always be so. It is also not sufficient to keep the economy growing at six per cent; rather we should accelerate it under the Ninth Malaysia Plan.

We need the markets, the populations, the opportunities and the discipline of belonging in a global economy. In the long run, Malaysia is better off with an FTA with the US, our largest trading partner (close to 20 per cent) and with other major world traders and, at the same time, pursuing a successful conclusion of the global Doha Round of talks.

It is about time Malaysia sorted out its trade policy. Unfounded concerns over sovereignty do not help clear thinking about our national interest. We have to advance both sovereignty and national interest together in a world that has become increasingly competitive.

Our trade policy must keep up with the times. This is one of the most important economic challenges for Malaysia — to be flexible, competitive, reforming and open. Growing the pie should be a continuous process.

What we sorely lack is confidence in ourselves. Why can’t we be as productive, as aggressive and as ingenious as other countries? We can, of course. We have the talent, resources and much more to take advantage of the undeniable changes that are transforming international trade.

In recent decades, other countries have outperformed us. This is more than an embarrassment. It is a threat to our sovereignty, that is, our ability to deliver the kind of future that Malaysians have come to expect.

Also, should we be content to conclude FTAs with Asian countries only — Japan and Pakistan, for example? Should we not be interested in concluding one with the world’s largest economy, US$14 trillion(RM46 trillion)?

Our trade with the US is an extremely important component of our economy.
The US is also an important source of technology, investment, education and much more.

We must, above all, decide what we want to be as the world moves on.

Otherwise, we will remain trapped in the past while others head into the future. There is a temptation for some to believe that we can growwithout changing. This is a dangerous illusion.

The only way we can look after ourselves is to become highly competitive.

This can best be achieved by building upon interests that we share with other countries, including those in Asia, the European Union and the US as well as our interest in a more open global trading system through the WTO process.

That’s why Malaysia must pursue Musfta in earnest right into 2009.

Datuk Deva Mohd Ridzam is a former ambassador to the European Union, Belgium, Luxembourg and Cambodia.

Understanding 'special position' of Malays

NST Online » Columns
2008/06/22

RAJA AZIZ ADDRUSE AND HELEN TING

THE electoral results in March have stirred up great hope among many that it signals the birth of a "new politics", whereby race-based rhetoric seems to have faltered as the magic formula for a big win by the Barisan Nasional.

Political observers are impressed by the fact that the proposal to replace the New Economic Policy (NEP) with needs-based affirmative action did not appear to be a political liability for Parti Keadilan Rakyat among the Malay voters. Those on the other side of the camp, on their part, talk about the loss of ketuanan Melayu for the same reason.

Public discussions on the abolition of the NEP link it up from time to time with Article 153 of the Federal Constitution regarding the special position of the Malays and natives in Sabah and Sarawak.

At times, it was even suggested that the abolition of affirmative action policies for the Malays was impossible due to the need to amend Article 153 of the Federal Constitution.

Closely related to this discussion is the charge of Malay ultra-nationalists that questioning the "special position" of the Malays amounts to challenging the ideology of ketuanan Melayu.
There appear to be a lot of myths surrounding "taboo notions" such as the Constitutional provisions for the "special position".

Does doing away with the NEP necessarily mean challenging Article 153? Should the constitutional provisions regarding the "special position" be understood as the symbolic affirmation of ketuanan Melayu? What was historically the understanding regarding the "special position" in any case?

Written records of the inter-party discussions of the Alliance leaders indicate that the Constitutional provisions on the "special position" were understood more as a protective measure for the Malay community which was then socio-economically disadvantaged.

Significantly, in their oral submission to the Reid Commission, the Alliance leaders requested the insertion of a Constitutional provision for the review of the "special position" of the Malays 15 years after independence.

Though subsequently removed, this implies that the Alliance leaders themselves did not intend the provision to be a permanent feature of independent Malaya.

This perspective is also clearly articulated in the recent biography of the late Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman, who even expressed his belief that, "as more and more Malays became educated and gained self-confidence, they themselves would do away with this 'special position' because in itself this 'special position' is a slur on the ability of the Malays and only to be tolerated because it is necessary as a temporary measure to ensure their survival in the modern competitive world".

Yet, why has it come to be interpreted as a symbol of Malay hegemony and a permanent, even defining, feature of the Malaysian nation?

We have the familiar story of the racial riots of May 13 1969, which subsequently led to the imposition of a prohibition on the questioning of a number of Constitutional provisions including Article 153.

Meantime, the NEP was formally launched, setting clear objectives to be achieved within two decades, such as attaining a more balanced ethnic distribution of occupational engagement and for Malay share in the ownership of business to reach 30 per cent by 1990.

While some argue that the NEP officially ended in 1990, many of its wide-ranging economic and educational policies, including the popularly euphemised "quota system", remain in place till today in all but name.

Over the decades, the comprehensive affirmative action programmes have transformed the socio-economic status of the Malay community as a social group, even though many poor Malays may not have benefited from it.

Nonetheless, it was not successful in uplifting the overall socio-economic conditions of natives in Sabah and Sarawak and the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia (who are intriguingly not mentioned explicitly as being included within the provisions of the "special position"), as well as the poor in other communities.

More insidiously, the initial socio-economic justifications for these measures have over time shifted to the argument of "indigenous entitlement" or right. It is only when affirmative action came to be viewed as a form of "indigenous entitlement" that the call for reforms or abolition of the NEP has been interpreted as a challenge to ketuanan Melayu.

Does a revamp of the NEP necessarily entail the amendment of Article 153 of the Federal Constitution?

Article 153 addresses the issues of reservation of quotas in respect of scholarships and other educational facilities or training privileges, positions in the federal public service and the granting of permits or licences for the operation of any trade or business for Malays and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak.

Nonetheless, figures for the quota are not specified, but are left to the discretion of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as he deems "reasonable". In addition, clause 1 of the Article entrusts to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong the responsibility to also safeguard the "legitimate interests of other communities" in the same breath as safeguarding the special position of the Malays and natives in Sabah and Sarawak.

Notable is the fact that five out of the 12 clauses of Article 153 set out to limit the scope of its application.

They provide that the Constitutional provisions with respect to the special position should not deprive or restrict other communities of their legitimate interests and continued enjoyment of the same public office, rights, grants, facilities or privileges which might reasonably be expected in the ordinary course of events.

It could be argued that in order to respect the Constitutional spirit, the translation of this so-called "special position" into practical measures by the policy-makers should judiciously ensure that they are perceived as "reasonable", equitable and just by society as a whole.

The original spirit of the NEP, as defined by its twin objectives of the restructuring of society and the eradication of poverty regardless of race, abides by this same sense of fair play and social justice.

While Article 153 does provide the Constitutional basis for affirmative action in favour of the Malays and natives in Sabah and Sarawak, there is no ground to suggest that doing away with the NEP necessarily requires the amendment or repeal of Article 153.

While we cannot stop politicians with vested interests from linking up the NEP and Article 153 with the concept of ketuanan Melayu, we should at least be able to evaluate their discourse for what it is worth.

And it is apparent from a study of Article 153 of the Federal Constitution that such a linkage has no real basis whatsoever.

Raja Aziz Addruse is a former Bar Council president and former president of the National Human Rights Society (Hakam). Helen Ting is a research fellow at the Institute of Malaysian and International Studies (Ikmas), Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia